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Guide to the Developmental Sequences of the Desired Results Developmental Profile access

The Guide to the Developmental Sequences of the DRDP access describes the developmental sequences that make up the Indicators and Measures of the DRDP access. This research-based guide helps you know what to observe and how to determine a child's highest level of development when rating the DRDP access. The guide will help you build a solid understanding of the instrument, accurately rate the Measures, and explain a child's current development to parents and other providers.

Access the Guide as an Interactive Portal

Interactive PortalThe portal helps you quickly find a specific developmental sequence or Measure on the DRDP access. You can read and print the developmental sequences by themselves or side-by-side with the corresponding Measure, and refer to the references as you choose. Additional resources for each of the developmental sequences are coming soon.


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Guide to the Developmental Sequences of the DRDP access

Guide to the Developmental Sequences of the Desired Results Developmental Profile access was developed by the Desired Results access Project to support the implementation of the Desired Results Developmental Profile Assessment System based on the guidelines and specifications of the Special Education Division of the California Department of Education.

© 2009 by the California Department of Education, Special Education Division
All rights reserved
Permission to reproduce for instructional purposes

The Desired Results access Project—A special project of the Napa County Office of Education—is funded by the California Department of Education (CDE), Special Education Division (Contract #CN077059) to assist the CDE with developing and establishing a system to assess the progress of California’s preschool children with disabilities.

Contents

Contributors
Introduction
Self-Concept (SELF)
Measure 1 — SELF 1 – Identity of Self
Measure 2 — SELF 2 – Recognition of Own Skills and Accomplishments
Measure 3 — SELF 3 – Self-Expression
Social and Interpersonal Skills (SOC)
Measure 4 — SOC 1 – Expressions of Empathy
Measure 5 — SOC 2 – Interactions with Adults
Measure 6 — SOC 3 – Relationships with Familiar Adults
Measure 7 — SOC 4 – Developing Friendships
Measure 8 — SOC 5 – Building Cooperative Play with Other Children
Measure 9 — SOC 6 – Conflict Negotiation
Measure 10 — SOC 7 – Awareness of Diversity
Self-Regulation (REG)
Measure 11 — REG 1 – Impulse Control
Measure 12 — REG 2 – Seeking Others’ Help to Regulate Self
Measure 13 — REG 3 – Responsiveness to Other’s Support
Measure 14 — REG 4 – Self-Comforting
Measure 15 — REG 5 – Taking Turns
Language (LANG)
Measure 16 — LANG 1 – Language Comprehension
Measure 17 — LANG 2 – Responsiveness to Language
Measure 18 — LANG 3 – Expresses Self Through Language
Measure 19 — LANG 4 – Uses Language in Conversation
Learning (LRN)
Measure 20 — LRN 1 – Curiosity and initiative
Measure 21 — LRN 2 – Attention Maintenance and Persistence
Cognitive Competence (COG)
Measure 22 — COG 1 – Memory
Measure 23 — COG 2 – Cause and Effect
Measure 24 — COG 3 – Engages in Problem Solving
Measure 25 — COG 4 – Object and Pretend Play
Math (MATH)
Measure 26 — MATH 1 – Number Sense: Understands Quantity and Counting
Measure 27 — MATH 2 – Number Sense: Math Operations
Measure 28 — MATH 3 – Number Sense: Comparison of Quantity
Measure 29 — MATH 4 – Shapes
Measure 30 — MATH 5 – Time
Measure 31 — MATH 6 – Classification and Matching
Measure 32 — Math 7 – Measurement
Measure 33 — MATH 8 – Patterning
Literacy (LIT)
Measure 34 — LIT 1 – Interest in Literacy
Measure 35 — LIT 2 – Concepts of Print
Measure 36 — LIT 3 – Letter and Word Knowledge
Measure 37 — LIT 4 – Phonological Awareness
Measure 38 — LIT 5 – Emerging Writing
Measure 39 — LIT 6 – Comprehension of Text
Motor Skills (MOT)
Measure 40 — MOT 1 – Movement
Measure 41 — MOT 2 – Balance
Measure 42 — MOT 3 – Grasp/Release and Manipulation
Measure 43 — MOT 4 – Eye-Hand Coordination
Safety and Health (SH)
Measure 44 — SH 1 – Personal Care Routines: Toileting and Hygiene
Measure 45 — SH 2 – Personal Care Routines: Dressing
Measure 46 — SH 3 – Personal Care Routines: Self-Feeding
Measure 47 — SH 4 – Personal Safety
Measure 48 — SH 5 – Understanding Healthy Lifestyle: Eating and Nutrition

Contributors

Sonya Gutierrez Matias, Ph.D.
Director of Research and Assistant Project Director
Desired Results access Project
Napa County Office of Education

Ann Wakeley, Ph.D.
Research Psychologist
Institute of Human Development
University of California, Berkeley

Mary E. McLean, Ph.D.
Kellner Professor of Early Childhood Education
Professor of Special Education
Department of Exceptional Education
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee

Jenna Bilmes
Social Emotional Specialist
Training and Consulting Resources
Phoenix, Arizona

Patricia A. Snyder, Ph.D.
Professor and David Lawrence Jr. Endowed Chair in Early Childhood Studies
University of Florida
Gainsesville, Florida

Angela Notari-Syverson, Ph.D.
Senior Researcher
Washington Research Institute
Seattle, Washington

Cornelia Taylor Bruckner, Ph.D.
Data System Manager
Desired Results access Project
Napa County Office of Education

Introduction

This document provides information about the developmental constructs that make up the Indicators and the Measures of the Desired Results Developmental Profile access (DRDP access). It provides information from child development research on each of the behaviors measured by the instrument with the goal of clarifying for assessors what should be observed and rated. While this information has been gathered from research on typically developing children, this same research is also useful for describing the development of children with disabilities, who generally follow the same sequences of development as children without disabilities, although sometimes at a slower rate of development. While there may be individual exceptions, sequences of development from typical child development serve as a helpful guide for assessing the progress of and planning the curriculum for all young children.

The Structure of the DRDP access

The DRDP access is organized by four Desired Results. Each Desired Result is a condition of well-being for children that serves as an overall outcome. The four Desired Results are divided into a total of ten Indicators that represent specific, measurable, developmental dimensions of the Desired Results. The four Desired Results and their corresponding Indicators are listed below:

Each Indicator is made up of several Measures, which are the individual assessment items. A Measure is a developmental progression along which a child’s observed behavior is assessed. The DRDP access includes 48 Measures. For a more detailed description of how the instrument is organized, please refer to Guide to Using the DRDP Instruments in Preschool Special Education available at http://www.draccess.org/pdf/GuideToUsingDRDP2008.pdf. For a description of the measurement model used to develop the DRDP access, please refer to Understanding the DRDP access Measurement Model available at http://www.draccess.org/pdf/UnderstandingDRDPaccessMM.pdf.

Developmental Sequences of the DRDP access

This document provides information from research on child development about the developmental constructs that make up the Measures and Indicators of the DRDP access. For each Indicator, a general overview of child development from birth through preschool is provided.

Following the overview of each Indicator are one-page descriptions of each of the Measures that make up that Indicator. The sequence of development for each Measure is described according to what is typical for infants, toddlers, young preschoolers and older preschoolers. The reader will notice that these age levels have been bolded for easy reference. Within each age level described, additional bolded phrases correspond to each level of the Measure that is included in the DRDP access. Following the description of each Measure, references from child development research that were used to develop the description of the Measure are provided. These references also provide a source of additional information for assessors, if desired.

Desired Result 1 — Indicator: Self-Concept (SELF)

Children show self-awareness and a positive self-concept

During the infant, toddler, and preschool years, children experience dramatic growth in their awareness that they are separate beings with emotions, interests, and abilities of their own. Simultaneously, but at a slower pace, they become aware of others as individuals, as well.

Infants begin life unaware that they are individuals separate from their caregivers and their surroundings. Toward the end of the first year, however, they begin to see themselves as distinct individuals. They begin to respond to their names and recognize themselves in the mirror. They also begin to have a sense of themselves in relation to important people in their lives. Most children this age are strongly attached to their primary caregiver and fear losing sight of that person.

As children grow and develop, they become more mobile and verbal. They delight in exploring things and people in their environment. Given time and space, young children are amazingly persistent as they work to accomplish specific tasks, for example, putting a big doll into a small car or trying again and again to reach a light switch. They also take great pride in their accomplishments and appreciate an audience. They seek and appreciate attention and validation, especially from their significant adults.

“Me” and “mine” are spoken with increasing frequency. Young children become quick to insist “Me do it” to let others know they don’t need help with the tasks they’ve mastered, such as taking their shoes off. As their vocabulary grows, they begin to talk about their physical characteristics and the things they like. In addition, they become aware of important relationships with others. This awareness might be demonstrated by referring to a brother as “My David,” for example, or by carrying around a family picture.

Soon, children develop a vocabulary for expressing their feelings and needs. They begin to say “I’m hungry” or “I’m mad” instead of leaving it up to others to figure out what is going on inside of them. With guidance and support, they learn what they need to do to manage those feelings and inform others of how they feel and what they need, for example, by saying “I’m scared. Can I stay by you?”

As preschool children become more aware of their peers, they begin to compare themselves, their appearance and their abilities, to others. “Fredo and me both don’t get scared of thunder” or “You like to eat cheese and I don’t, right?” About the same time, they will be able to label the feelings of others by looking at and “reading” body language and faces.

Measure 1 — SELF 1

Identity of Self

Child shows increasing awareness that self is distinct from and also connected to others

Young children learn about who they are from the adults who care for them. Through daily interactions, children learn what behaviors are expected and acceptable, how to communicate, and how and when to express emotions. As they grow and learn in supportive and nurturing environments, children develop a sense of their own self-worth and capabilities.

Infants are instinctively interested in the faces and voices of others. They will gaze intently at their caregivers or become quiet when their caregiver speaks to them. They explore themselves and others with eyes, hands, and mouth. When they are very young, infants are not aware that they are separate beings. However, between six and nine months of age they become aware that they are separate beings, and they recognize and prefer the familiar people in their lives. An infant might crawl to the window when she sees her brother waving or crawl over to a familiar adult when an unknown adult comes into the room. Older infants also recognize the names of familiar people and will look at these people when they are named. As well, infants respond when their own name is called.

Toddlers take a major step toward autonomy as they grow aware of themselves as distinct from others both physically and emotionally, and they begin to want to do things without adult help. One moment they struggle to become separate and independent human beings, and the next moment they are running back to a familiar adult to be carried and hugged. The first words of toddlers also reflect their growing sense of themselves as distinct from others. They are able to tell their name when asked, and as they learn to combine words, they begin to refer to themselves with language, as in “Dee’s hat” or “I do it.” Familiar people are very important to toddlers, and many of their first words are their names for familiar people, such as “Mommy,” “Daddy,” or “Grandma.” Toddlers also show their connectedness to familiar people in other ways, for example, by carrying a toy from home around with them as a comfort item when they are not at home or running to give their mother a hug when she returns.

Young preschoolers begin to talk about their connections to other people and things and may talk about activities with family members or incorporate the roles of family members into their play. As they become more aware of the physical characteristics of themselves and others, they also begin to use words to describe these physical characteristics. They become interested in identifying hair and skin color, and they usually know how old they are. As their awareness increases and their vocabulary grows, they begin to communicate their preferences to others, as well. At lunch, they might say “I love potatoes;” or when an adult brings out a book, they may tell her that it is their favorite one.

As older preschoolers increasingly work and play with other children, they move from simply describing the physical characteristics of each other to comparing themselves with others. Two children may ask to be measured to see who is taller, for example. They are quick to notice such things as having the same shoes as another classmate or may announce that “Me and Jamey are twins today” because they are wearing a same-colored shirt.

References

American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry (1998). The life of a child. In D. Pruitt (Ed.), Your child: Emotional, behavioral, and cognitive development from birth through preadolescence (pp.3-119). New York, NY: HarperCollins.

Damon, W., & Hart, D. (1982). The development of self-understanding from infancy through adolescence. Child Development, 53, 841-864.

DesRosiers, F.S., & Busch-Rossnagel, N.A. (1997). Self-concept in toddlers. Infants and Young Children, 10, 15-26.

Marshal, H. H. (2001). Cultural influences on the development of self-concept: Updating our thinking. Young Children, 56, 19-22.

Mooney, C.G. (2000). Theories of childhood: An introduction to Dewey, Montessori, Erikson, Piaget & Vygotsky (pp.37-57). St. Paul, MN: Redleaf Press.

Pipp-Siegel, S., & Pressman, L. (1996). Developing a sense of self and others. Zero to Three, 17, 17-24.

Stipek, D.J., Gralinski, J.H., & Kopp C.B. (1990). Self-concept development in the toddler years. Developmental Psychology, 26, 972-977.

Measure 2 — SELF 2

Recognition of Own Skills and Accomplishments

Child evaluates and takes pleasure in own ability to perform skillfully

In the earliest months, when their cries for help and comfort are met, infants begin to develop a sense of trust and safety. This early trust spurs an infant to further explore his world and relate to people outside of his immediate family. As infants grow, their developing motor skills and their growing sense of self lead to increasing autonomy. They learn how to walk and run, feed themselves, and become more independent. If adults have given toddlers and young children the opportunities they need to explore and practice independence, they begin to demonstrate initiative as they use independent thoughts and actions to meet their own needs.

Until infants develop a sense of self, they are unable to recognize their own skills and their impact on others. Newborns react to internal and external sensations with simple behaviors and continue these behaviors until their needs are met. They cry when they are hungry and settle when they are fed. Within the first few months, however, they gradually become aware of their own actions and the effects of their actions, first on their own bodies and then on other people and things. Infants appear to take great pleasure in repeating actions, like shaking a rattle or kicking their feet and moving a mobile. Through much repetition, they begin to realize that they can make things happen intentionally. With this new awareness of their abilities, older infants start behaving in ways that are more deliberate. They will persist in trying to do or get what they want. For example, an infant will push obstacles out of his way, even an adult’s hand, to get at a toy or other object he wants. The more time infants spend exploring the world and discovering how they can make things happen, the more they discover their own abilities.

Toddlers clearly understand that they are individuals in their own right, and they make it their full-time job to practice this new autonomy. Their waking hours are filled with developing their motor, language, and social skills as they explore their ever-expanding worlds. New skills lead them to be increasingly competent. Toddlers will practice new skills over and over, day after day, until they master what they set out to do, whether it is turning on the water faucet by themselves, walking by themselves, or stacking blocks. Toddlers are very interested in adults’ reactions to their efforts and accomplishments. Adult feedback is a great motivator for a toddler to keep trying or to do it again.

Young preschoolers begin to take pride in their work as they start to use the outside world as a reference. Soon they develop the language they need to reflect on their activities and talk to others about what they can do, saying such things as, “I can climb really high. See?” They begin developing a sense of mastery by finishing what they set out to do. For example, they may put all puzzle pieces back into the puzzle; or line a collection of cars up in a row and then sit back with a look of satisfaction or accomplishment. Adult feedback is important and encouraging for young children. They actively seek adult attention, and will frequently call a caregiver over to show them what they can do.

For older preschoolers, peer relationships become more and more important. As children interact more with each other, they begin to compare themselves and their skills to those of other children. Young children characterize their accomplishments and skills positively. They take great pride in the things they can do and are pleased to show other children what they can do. A child might offer to help another open a package of crackers at snack time or might help another with the buttons on a doll’s dress. They may want to show how they can carry a full cup of water from the sink to the art table without spilling. Because they are growing and learning so quickly, most children this age are very proud of their accomplishments. They begin to generalize their overall abilities and skills based on individual accomplishments. For example, after making instant pudding during a cooking project, a child may say that she is a good cook. Or a child might talk about how he is a “good helper” after working with an adult to get a table ready for lunch.

References

American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry (1998). The life of a child. In D. Pruitt (Ed.), Your child: Emotional, behavioral, and cognitive development from birth through preadolescence (pp.3-119). New York, NY: HarperCollins.

Gestwicki, C. (1999). Developmentally appropriate practice: Curriculum and development in early education. New York, NY: Delmar.

Hauser-Cram, P. (1998). I think I can, I think I can: Understanding and encouraging mastery motivation in young children. Young Children, 5, 67-71.

Linder, T.W. (1993) Transdisciplinary play-based assessment: A functional approach to working with young children. Baltimore, MD: Paul H. Brookes Publishing Co.

Mooney, C.G. (2000). Theories of childhood: An introduction to Dewey, Montessori, Erikson, Piaget & Vygotsky (pp. 37-57). St. Paul, MN: Redleaf Press.

Smith, P. K., & Hart, C.H. (Eds.) (2004). Blackwell handbook of childhood social development. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, Inc.

Measure 3 — SELF 3

Self-Expression

Child explores own action, makes presence known in social situations, and outwardly expresses feelings to others

One of the most critical aspects of early social/emotional development is the ability to make oneself known and to communicate with others. In a brief five years, children grow from having only the ability to instinctively cry when they need to communicate to using rather sophisticated language to describe a range of emotions in themselves and others. By the end of the preschool years, many children are also able to appreciate that different people have different feelings about similar events, and that they themselves might have two conflicting feelings at once, such as fear and excitement about a ride at the fair, for example.

Newborn infants are born able to make their needs known by vocalizing and crying out when they are in distress. But over their first few months of life, infants begin to respond to people or things in the environment with an increasing variety of behaviors. They smile in response to smiling and quiet in response to a troubled or sad face. They express contentment and distress and likes and dislikes with gestures and sounds. For example, they will babble to get attention or spit out a mouthful of applesauce or turn their heads when they are full. Older infants delight in discovering their abilities to make things happen and will persistently repeat actions that have a desired effect, for example, repeatedly banging a spoon on a table or bowl to hear it clang.

Toddlers are actively trying to make sense of their world, and they continue to discover how they can make things happen. They play many “what if” and cause-and-effect games, such as throwing a ball into a puddle again and again to make the water splash. Although they lack a sophisticated vocabulary, they are able to express needs, feelings, and desires to caregivers with facial expressions, body movements, and vocalizations. They may take an adult’s hand and lead her to a water pitcher when they want a drink, or may drop a banana on the floor when they are done with their snack.

With adult support, young preschoolers develop an emotional vocabulary to identify basic emotions (such as happy, sad, scared, and angry) in themselves and others. They can look at a picture of a baby crying in a book and say, “The baby is sad.” They are also learning how to communicate what they need to take care of their own feelings. For example, a child whose preferred playmate is busy with another child might say “I’m sad. Jerome won’t play with me. Can I play with you?”

Older preschoolers begin to understand that others may have feelings and preferences different from their own. For example, a child might prefer to paint, while his best friend wants to read books. They are beginning to notice that their feelings may change over time (“I used to be scared of water, but I’m not anymore.”). By the end of the preschool years, some children begin to understand that they can feel more than one way about something, such as having the mixed feelings of excitement about moving to a new house, while at the same time feeling sad to leave the old one.

References

Joseph, G.E. & Strain, P.S. (2003). Enhancing emotional vocabulary in young children. Young Exceptional Children, 6, 18-26.

Messinger, D.S. & Fogel, A. (1998).Give and take: The development of conventional infant gestures. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 44, 566-590.

Ridgeway, D., Waters, E., &. Kuczaj II, S.A. (1985). Acquisition of emotion-descriptive language: Receptive and productive vocabulary norms for ages 18 months to 6 years. Developmental Psychology, 21, 501-508.

Desired Result 1 — Indicator: Social and Interpersonal Skills (SOC)

Children demonstrate effective social and interpersonal skills

During the infant, toddler, and preschool years, children demonstrate dramatic growth in their ability to interact with and form meaningful relationships with others. The initial attachment of the infant to the primary caregiver provides the basis for this development of social relationships with other adults and with peers. By the end of the preschool years, most children have developed the social skills they need to interact effectively with adults and other children. They can engage in cooperative play and form friendships with peers. They also begin to use this developing social awareness and growing knowledge of social rules and values to express empathy for others and to resolve conflicts.

The first and most important relationship for infants is the one they form with a primary caregiver who is nurturing and responsive to their needs. This attachment relationship sets the stage for all future social and emotional learning. Although not yet ready for peer friendships, infants are curious and interested in discovering other infants, and they enjoy being with other infants.

As important as attachment is, the next stage of separation is just as important. As the infant realizes that she and her caregiver are two individual beings, she struggles with the anxiety of being apart and, simultaneously, her desire for autonomy as she explores her independence.

Over the next few years, children expand their relationships to include adults and peers outside of their immediate family. They further identify themselves as individuals and reach out to explore their potentials and limitations. Peer relationships evolve from early exploration to collaborative play with others and the development of friendships. Simultaneously, their relationships with adults evolve from one of complete dependence to one that permits some perspective—they are now able to view adults as valuable resources for guidance, support, reflection, conversation, and interaction.

As their cognitive abilities grow, children are able to identify and describe themselves and others. They develop an understanding of others’ feelings and needs, and they learn to negotiate conflict within the constraints of social rules and values.

Measure 4 — SOC 1

Expressions of Empathy

Child shows awareness of others’ feelings and responds to expressions of feeling by others in ways that are increasingly appropriate to the needs of others

As they develop, young children demonstrate an emerging understanding that they are individuals apart from others. Over time, children begin to understand that others have feelings and preferences of their own. Eventually children respond in more thoughtful ways as they become increasingly more able to think about events from the perspective of others.

Infants begin this journey by showing awareness of the emotional expressions of others. For example, infants will often begin to cry when they hear another infant crying. At around three months old, they begin to smile in response to seeing a familiar, smiling face. Older infants may cry when another child looks sad or hurt.

Toddlers are curious when another child is exhibiting an emotion that is different from their own at the moment. They may watch intently and show concern when another child cries when separating from her parent in the morning. Not knowing what to do, they may find a teacher to help a child in distress. When adults model care and empathy in response to distress, toddlers begin to learn how to soothe others. Toddlers still believe that others feel and think the same as they do. For example, a toddler might try to offer comfort to another child in distress by bringing him a comfort item of her own, such as a blanket or toy from home, expecting that what comforts her will also comfort the other child.

Young preschoolers begin to label their own feelings (“I’m happy now!”). Children at this age can read the facial expressions and body language of others and recognize that somebody else is sad, angry, or happy. As they begin to see things from the perspective of others, they begin to try to figure out what another child wants or needs. They may offer to help, by doing such things as rebuilding a fallen tower or bringing a paper towel to wipe paint off a friend’s dress.

Older preschoolers build on their developing ability to see things from another’s perspective and show concern for the welfare of others. They may say such things as “The pigs are scared because they are afraid the wolf might eat them” or “D’Juan is sad because he wanted to be the door opener today.” Understanding that events trigger emotions is a critical concept for the development of pro-social behaviors. This development makes redirection by the adult possible, with such remarks as “Look at Berta. Do you think she is sad that you colored on her painting?”

References

Beaty, J.J. (1990). Observing development of the young child (pp. 128-148). New York: MacMillan Publishing Company.

Commons, M.L., & Wolfsont, C.A. (2002). A complete theory of empathy must consider stage changes. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 25, 30-31.

Hoffman, M.L. (1982). Development of prosocial motivation: Empathy and guilt. In N. Eisenberg-Berg, (Ed.), Development of prosocial behavior (pp. 281-313). New York: Academic Press.

Smith, P. K., & Hart, C.H. (Eds.) (2004). Blackwell handbook of childhood social development. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, Inc.

Zahn-Waxler, C., Radke-Yarrow, M., Wagner, E., & Chapman, M. (1992). Development of concern for others. Developmental Psychology, 28, 126-136.

Measure 5 — SOC 2

Interactions with Adults

Child interacts effectively with both familiar and somewhat familiar adults

At birth, infants are dependent on caregivers for survival. They quickly learn how to signal their caregivers that they are hungry, hurting, or wanting playful interactions. With growing cognitive and communication abilities, toddler interactions with adults become increasingly sophisticated, and they begin to use spoken language rather than just actions when they want to communicate their wants and needs. As children grow and develop, adult-child interactions shift from a focus on meeting immediate needs to interactions that involve sharing information, thinking and planning, and enjoying each other’s company.

Infants use vocalizations and body language instinctively to react to adults. When they want to engage with an adult, infants give cues, such as turning toward the adult, smiling, cooing, and moving their arms or legs. When they tire of the interaction, they turn their heads away and may fall asleep. Hungry infants may suck on their fists, fuss, and/or flex their arms and legs. When infants are full, they may stop sucking and relax their bodies, extend their arms and legs, and/or fall asleep. At around eight months, infants are able to carry on playful, two-way communication with their primary caregivers, such as giggling when the adult plays peek-a-boo or banging happily on the table when the adult comes over with the lunch bowl. Infants learn that they can depend on and trust adults.

Toddlers use their growing language and motor skills to initiate and engage in interactions with adults. They enjoy sharing familiar rituals, routines, and simple games with adult partners. Toddlers take great pleasure in knowing what comes next in an activity. If their environment includes regular rituals and routines, they quickly learn how things work and are eager to participate. For example, they may wave “good-bye” when the electrician leaves the room after fixing a light. As they mature, they are able to participate more fully in routines and games. Instead of just rushing to sit at a snack table, for example, they may first go to the sink and wait for an adult to turn on the water. Or they may bring a ball over to an adult or older peer and sit down on the floor, waiting for their friend to play a rolling game with them.

Preschoolers move from wanting to be near their significant adults to wanting to be like them. This identification leads to children wanting to look like and act like the grownups in their lives. They also want to help adults with tasks, such as sweeping the floor or wiping off the table. In their pretend play, they imitate adult roles and activities, such as talking on the phone, preparing a meal, or going off to work. They enjoy playing, reading, and talking with adults. As they grow and develop, they use more complex language to converse with adults and to share ideas. They use adults as resources for tasks beyond their abilities and as resources for information about the world.

References

Bredekamp, S., & Copple, C. (Ed.). (1997). Developmentally appropriate practice in early childhood programs. Washington, DC: National Association for the Education of Young Children.

Elicker, J., & Fortner-Wood, C. (1995). Adult-child relationships in early childhood programs. Young Children, 51, 69-78.

Holmberg, M.C. (1980). The development of social interchange patterns from 12 to 42 months. Child Development, 51, 448-456.

Smith, P. K., & Hart, C.H. (Eds.) (2004). Blackwell handbook of childhood social development. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, Inc.

Zanolli, K.M., Saudargas, R.A., & Twardosz, S. (1997). The development of toddlers’ responses to affectionate teacher behavior. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 12, 99-116.

Measure 6 — SOC 3

Relationships with Familiar Adults

Child forms close relationships or attachments with familiar adults

Attachment is the strong, positive, mutual relationship that develops between a child and one or more significant adults. Typically, this relationship begins at birth, when the infant is dependent and the caregiver works to understand and meet the infant’s needs. An infant’s initial trust and attachment with her primary caregiver is the basis for the formation of future relationships with other adults and peers outside of the immediate family. Infants who experience trusting relationships early in their lives grow to become children who value trusted adults for security, love, comfort, guidance, community, and validation.

In the first few months of life, infants attend to the face and voice of familiar adults and learn to distinguish between their primary caregivers and others. They quickly understand that their primary caregivers are the ones who will meet their needs. They may turn their head toward a familiar adult or look in the direction of a familiar voice. By around four months of age, infants and caregivers engage in back-and-forth interactions, such as smiling and cooing. By the middle of their first year, they begin to protest when separated from their primary caregiver (separation anxiety); and by around nine months of age, they begin to fear strangers and protest when being left. As infants become more mobile, they use their primary caregiver as a secure base from which to explore the world.

Young toddlers seek to maintain contact with familiar adults, doing whatever they need to stay connected, whether it is calling out, laughing, or crying. Toddlers will also begin to look at their significant adults for signals in ambiguous situations, such as when a stranger enters the room. Toddlers who experienced nurturing and responsive care as infants see adults as valuable resources for getting their needs met and will go to trusted adults for help with difficult tasks. Older toddlers begin to expand their sphere of trusted adults and turn to others outside the family for help in reaching their goals.

Young preschoolers who have had positive experiences with significant caregivers look to familiar adults for information, guidance, companionship, and recognition. They might ask a trusted adult to explain something they don’t understand, such as how baby chicks get out of eggs, or to help them resolve a problem, such as a dispute with another child over a toy. Young preschoolers may ask a familiar adult to join in their play or to admire a puzzle they have just completed.

Most older preschoolers are making the transition from dependency on adults to identification with adults, quickly picking up language and behaviors from those they admire. They seek out and respond to cooperative activities where they can work side by side with adults to help with tasks, solve problems, or plan an activity. They seek out opportunities to maintain these fulfilling relationships and can often be found helping adults pick up toys or setting a table for a snack.

References

Bretherton, I. (1992).The origins of attachment theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth. Developmental Psychology, 28, 759-775.

Egeland, B., & Erickson, M.F. (1999). Attachment theory and research: A framework for practice with infants, toddlers and families. Zero to three, 20, 3-16.

National Research Council and Institute of Medicine (2000). From neurons to neighborhoods: The science of early childhood development (pp. 225-266). Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

Shore, R. (1997). Rethinking the brain: New insights into early development (pp. 27-36). New York: Family and Work Institute.

Smith, P. K., & Hart, C.H. (Eds.) (2004). Blackwell handbook of childhood social development. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, Inc.

Measure 7 — SOC 4

Developing Friendships

Child forms close friendships with specific peers, sharing experiences and activities

While friendships are typical in early childhood, the quality and capacities of children’s friendships grow dramatically over time. Infants and toddlers show interest in other children and enjoy playing near each other. In the late toddler and early preschool years, children’s communication and play skills increase sufficiently to promote early, interactive friendships. Over the next few years, friendships deepen as children refine their ability to engage in two-way communications, share and take turns, manage their aggressive feelings, be assertive without causing harm, and resolve conflicts.

Infants as young as two months of age show signs of interest in other infants. They may turn toward other children who are nearby. As they become mobile, infants respond to other children by patting, grasping, rolling, or crawling toward them. By the time they are nine months old, infants will try to get the attention of familiar infants by making noises or waving. They also begin to imitate each other. However, infants’ first and most important playmates are their adult caregivers. Playing such games as peek-a-boo and tickle begins to teach infants the joys of interacting and reciprocally communicating with others, along with some of the basic rules of play, such as turn-taking.

Building on their curiosity and exploratory interactions with peers during infancy, toddlers become increasingly interested in other children and will watch them as they play. Their first true social exchanges may begin by copying one another and giggling in delight at the results. The more familiar toddlers are with one another, the more likely they are to develop friendships. Given the opportunity to relate over time, older toddlers will begin to play regularly with one or two particular children. These young playmates will seek each other out, choose to remain close to each other, and appear to enjoy each other’s company. During this period of budding friendships, most toddlers still prefer adults for company and play.

Young preschoolers often identify another child as a friend. In preschool friendships, particular pairs of children choose each other, prefer each other as play partners, and attempt to be like each other. Young preschoolers build upon and elaborate on the imitative games they played as toddlers by inventing more complex games to play together, such as digging a deep hole in the sand or taking care of dolls. When one play partner moves off to participate in a new activity, the second partner will often follow along to maintain the connection. Young preschool friendships are often broad and changeable, as common interests and skills influence choices in play partners. At this age, young preschoolers usually do not have just one best friend. One child may be a preferred friend for fantasy play, while another may be a preferred friend to sit next to during story time.

Older preschoolers move from primarily seeking adult company to spending more time with peers. While they may play with a number of children, they begin to make a distinction between playmates and friends. At this age, they begin to identify certain children as their best friends. Preschoolers are also beginning to be concerned with “Are you my friend?” questions. In fact, one way preschoolers let others know they are angry is to say such things as “You’re not my friend” or “You can’t come to my birthday.” Older preschoolers often solidify their friendships with declarations of exclusivity, such as “We’re best friends” and, to another child, “You can’t play with us.” The growth of cognitive and language skills in older preschoolers also leads to increasingly complex interactions, as friends move into social pretend play. They often invent play themes that may last over a period of time. For example, a child might invite a friend to play “car races¸” or to play “restaurant,” games they have played often in the past.

References

Holmberg, M.C. (1980).The development of social interchange patterns from 12 to 42 months. Child Development, 51, 448-456.

Howes, C. (1988). Peer interaction of young children. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 53(1), 1-92.

National Research Council and Institute of Medicine (2000). From neurons to neighborhoods: The science of early childhood development (pp. 163-181). Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

Thompson, M., O’Neill-Grace, C., & Cohen, L.J. (2001). Best friends, worst enemies: Understanding the social lives of children. New York: Ballentine Books.

Whaley, K.L., & Rubenstein, T.S. (1994). How toddlers “do” friendship: A descriptive analysis of naturally occurring friendships in a group child care setting. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 11, 383-400.

Measure 8 — SOC 5

Building Cooperative Play with Other Children

Child interacts with other children through play that becomes increasingly cooperative and towards a shared purpose

Young children’s play is a gradual evolution from the imitative play of infants, led by adults, to the reciprocal play of toddlers with peers and, finally, to preschoolers’ cooperative and collaborative play. The development of cooperative play requires the prerequisite development of a number of other social and cognitive skills. For example, children need to identify each other as individuals, with feelings and desires of their own. They also need to learn social skills, such as turn taking, sharing, and conflict resolution. And they need to share common understandings of imaginary play games.

Infants notice other children and later respond to them, but they see peers as objects to explore rather than individuals with feelings. Their play with peers is more exploratory than it is interactive. They may grab faces, pull hair, or crawl right over each other. Infants’ interactive play is primarily with adults rather than with peers, since adults lead and sustain ritualized activities such as peek-a-boo or pat-a-cake.

Young toddlers enjoy each other’s company. Their mutual play usually involves playing near each other, without actually interacting (parallel play). Familiar toddlers interact by imitating each other. For example, one toddler will bang a toy on a shelf, another toddler will copy the behavior, and the two of them will laugh together. Toddlers’ play together is also based on reciprocity. For example, they might take turns running and chasing one another, or they might offer and receive toys from one another as they play side by side. Toddlers, however, often run into difficulty negotiating space and toys. In order to maintain safe and peaceful play, they require observant adults who will intervene when necessary.

Young preschoolers become increasingly more sophisticated at playing together. They begin to engage in play involving a common theme or purpose, such as building a block tower together. As they continue to mature and gain experience playing with other children, they are ready to begin more sophisticated cooperative or collaborative play planned around a common theme, with each child playing specific roles. For example, children may pass a toy telephone back and forth or take turns being a doctor and a hurt cat.

The play of older preschoolers is more elaborate and symbolic. They usually share a common understanding of the informal rules of games, such as playing house or riding bikes. Some older preschoolers have also learned how to play formal games with rules, such as Candy Land or “Duck, Duck, Goose.” In order to be successful in preschool play, children must develop specific social skills, such as cooperation, turn taking, problem solving, and sharing.

References

Gestwicki, C. (1999). Developmentally appropriate practice: Curriculum and development in early education (pp. 34-46). New York: Delmar.

Heidemann, S., & Hewitt, D. (1992). Pathways to play: Developing play skills in young children. St. Paul, MN: Redleaf Press.

Howes, C., & Matheson, C.C. (1992). Sequences in the development of competent play with peers: Social and pretend play. Developmental Psychology, 28, 961-974.

Howes, C. (1988). Peer interaction of young children. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 53(1), 1-92.

Hyun, E. (1998). Culture and development in children’s play. Retrieved February 26. 2008, from the Florida Gulf Coast University website: http://ruby.fgcu.edu/courses/ehyun/10041/culture_and_development_in.htm

Smith, P. K., & Hart, C.H. (Eds.) (2004). Blackwell handbook of childhood social development. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, Inc.

Measure 9 — SOC 6

Conflict Negotiation

Child learns how to understand the needs of other children and to negotiate constructively within the constraints of social rules and values

At birth, infants are self-centered beings who are only aware of their own immediate needs, wants, feelings, and moods. As their motor skills develop, toddlers become mobile and actively pursue what they want, still mostly unaware of the feelings of those around them. As language develops, children begin to listen to others and become able to express their own needs. Older preschoolers are beginning to internalize social rules and control their own behavior by conforming to those rules. It takes until the end of the preschool years and even beyond, however, for children to fully appreciate that others are individuals with their own desires, feelings, and rights.

Infants’ perceptions of themselves and others center on getting their own needs met. At first reflexively and later on with purpose, they use vocalizations and body language to move adults to meet their needs, with no notion of the adult’s own needs at that moment.

Although toddlers have a beginning understanding that their behaviors affect other people, they are not developmentally able to understand that others have feelings or rights. They appear to work on the theory that “What’s mine is mine, and what’s yours is mine if I want it.” They view the world as theirs to explore and manipulate. When they see a toy they want, they are likely to take it, whether it is on the ground or in another child’s hands. If another child tries to take what they are using, they may assert themselves by yelling “Stop,” “Mine,” or by pushing the other child away. Until they develop the capacity to understand that others are individuals in their own right, they will need considerable adult supervision and support to balance their own desires with the desires of others.

Young preschoolers respond to adult suggestions and redirection. They learn to use assertive language to replace grabbing, taking, and pushing. Instead of grabbing, they may use appropriate words such as “I want a turn,” “Go get another one” or “This is mine.” While they may be less inclined to use physical force to get what they want, young children are still rather self-centered. Young preschoolers still need a great deal of adult guidance to help them resolve conflicts in a way that meets the needs of everyone involved.

Older preschoolers are internalizing the rules and standards of the significant adults in their lives, and they are beginning to understand the rights of others. If adults have modeled and taught strategies and language for solving problems and resolving conflicts, older preschoolers will use language to express their needs and will suggest solutions to conflicts. Preschoolers often still need adult help with conflict resolution, however, since preschoolers tend to suggest solutions based primarily on their own needs or desires. Toward the end of the preschool years, children begin to become very insistent about rules. Children may remind others of classroom rules, such as “No pushing;” or they may tell others to stand in line to wait for a turn.

References

Beaty, J.J. (1999). Prosocial guidance for the preschool child (pp. 142-162). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc.

Carlson-Paige, N., & Levin, D.E. (1998). Before push comes to shove: Building conflict resolution skills with children. St. Paul, MN: Redleaf Press.

Chandler, M. Handling toddler conflict. Retrieved February 26, 2008, from http://www.nncc.org/Guidance/dc13_handl.todl.conflict.html

Dinwiddie, S.A. (1994).The saga of Sally, Sammy and the red pen: Facilitating children’s social problem solving. Young Children, 49, 13-19.

Wheeler, E.J. (1994). Peer conflicts in the classroom: Drawing implications from research. Childhood Education, 70, 296-299.

Measure 10 — SOC 7

Awareness of Diversity

Child acknowledges and responds to similarities and differences between self and others, and learns to appreciate the value of each person in diverse communities

In order to make sense of the world, infants, toddlers, and preschoolers explore, test, and question. As they grow, young children begin to identify themselves as unique individuals with a name, gender, and certain characteristics. They begin to notice and appreciate differences and similarities between themselves and others. As young children notice and question differences and similarities, they look to the adults they trust for signals for how to respond and how to feel (social referencing). Accordingly, inclusive attitudes grow from inclusive adult modeling and guidance; fearful and exclusive attitudes come from the same source.

In the world of the infant, everything is new and worth exploring, touching, and tasting. Infants have no preconceived notions of what is acceptable or unacceptable; things are simply the way they are, and people are the way they are. In the beginning, infants attend to people, events, and objects around them. Towards the middle of their first year, they begin to distinguish between familiar and unfamiliar people. While they are curious about new people, they usually feel safest if they are in the arms or lap of somebody they know and trust.

Young toddlers are interested in the behavior and actions of familiar people and imitate adult actions, such as brushing hair or reading a book. At this age, children can also distinguish differences between what they are eating and what others are eating, usually preferring to eat the same food they see on the plates of others. By age two, most children are learning the concept of boy and girl; and as adults focus them on distinguishing color, toddlers also begin to comment on skin and hair color differences. In general, toddlers start to categorize themselves and others by gender and physical appearance. As they are learning, they sometimes over-generalize and, for example, call all men “daddies” or may say that a girl with very short hair is a boy.

Young preschoolers become increasingly aware of physical similarities and differences as they explore their personal characteristics as well as the characteristics of others. Young preschoolers are busy trying to understand the “whys” of the world and may ask many questions about why people have different skin or hair color, or why someone uses eye glasses or a wheelchair. As they become aware of differences in gender, ethnicity, and abilities, they also begin to take on both the positive and the negative attitudes that may be held by the adults in their environment.

Older preschoolers identify themselves as boys or girls and begin to define gender-appropriate behaviors based on what they see and experience in their environment. As older preschoolers become more peer and group oriented, they begin to identify similarities and differences between themselves and their social peers. At this time, children seem to realize that differences are one way people are categorized. Because preschoolers look at the significant adults in their lives as role models, the way they respond to diversity will depend on the example set by those adults. Children who have witnessed inclusive behaviors will tend to adapt to the needs of others. On the other hand, children exposed to adult prejudice will have a harder time being open to differences.

References

Davis, L., & Keyser, J. (1997). Becoming the parent you want to be: A sourcebook of strategies for the first five years (pp. 329-374). New York: Broadway Books.

Derman-Sparks, L., & A.B.C. Task Force, (1989). Anti-bias curriculum: Tools for empowering young children. Washington, DC: NAEYC.

Kendall, F.E. (1996). Diversity in the classroom: New approaches to the education of young children (2nd ed.) (pp. 37-39, 86-94). New York: Teacher’s College Press.

NAEYC (n.d.). Resisting bias. Retrieved February 26, 2008, from http://www.naeyc.org/ece/1997/10.asp

National Research Council and Institute of Medicine (2000). From neurons to neighborhoods: The science of early childhood development (pp. 64-67). Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

Neugebauer, B. (Ed.). (1992). Alike and different: Exploring our humanity with young children. Washington, DC: NAEYC.

York, S. (1991). Roots & wings: Affirming culture in early childhood programs. St. Paul, MN: Redleaf Press.

Desired Result 1 — Indicator: Self-Regulation (REG)

Children demonstrate effective responses in their behavior

Young children gradually develop the ability to regulate their hunger, sleep, self-soothing, emotions, attention, and behavior (called “self-regulation”). Two factors that affect this development are the natural maturation process and their experiences of socialization.

The infant’s primary regulation task involves learning to survive outside of the womb. With considerable help from adults, newborns learn to physically regulate their body temperature and their eating, sleeping, and self-soothing. At this stage, the caregiver can be said to be “co-regulating” with the infant; that is, the caregiver is managing most of the regulation tasks, such as adjusting blankets, turning the baby over, changing diapers, rocking, and comforting.

As infants mature and are increasingly able to move about and communicate, they are better able to self-comfort, by moving toward an adult or fetching a favorite blanket, for example. Toddlers also demonstrate the beginnings of impulse control as they begin to respond to the guidance of significant adults. They may wait for a turn on the swing or stop when an adult calls out “Stop.” At times, however, toddlers need additional reminders and support to control impulses.

During the preschool years, children begin to develop self-control as they start to internalize the behavioral expectations that are communicated to them by adults. Similar to toddlers, young preschoolers may need additional reminders and cues to follow rules and guidelines. Preschool children begin to talk to themselves to remind themselves of the rules and guidelines that have been modeled and taught, such as taking turns or using words instead of hands. Children may say aloud to themselves “Time to clean up” or “Mommy is coming soon.” With time, children are able to rely less on adult cues to modify their behavior.

Older preschoolers have developed the cognitive skills they need to predict events and to plan. Now, instead of simply echoing previously learned guidelines, they develop strategies for preventing problems from happening. In addition, they are able to invent new ways to manage emotions and behaviors. For example, when several children want to use the sand table, they are able to agree on who goes first and who goes next, or they may chose leave an area when there is a conflict.

Measure 11 — REG 1

Impulse Control

Child develops strategies for regulating responses in increasingly socially appropriate ways

Impulse control encompasses a number of skills, including compliance, delay of gratification, and self-monitoring. At birth, infants are unable to perform any control over their impulses. As they grow and develop, young children gradually become aware of their own emotions and behaviors and become better able to control their actions. They also become more aware of others’ expectations of their behavior and begin to internalize these expectations. Brain maturation, temperament, cognitive development, and socialization all influence the development of impulse control. It is important to keep in mind that individual differences in children’s development of impulse control may stem from differences in temperament, as well as differences in the social norms modeled and taught by the adults in the child’s life.

Infants react to internal feelings and external events with simple behaviors. They cry when hungry, startled, or uncomfortable; and they wet when their bladders are full. Gradually over the first year, infants develop a wider range of behaviors and begin to learn a variety of appropriate and effective ways of responding to different situations. For example, an older infant may push food away when he is full or struggle out of the arms of an adult when he no longer wants to be held.

Young toddlers often act without considering the impact of their actions on others. They need adults to point out the effects of their actions and to guide them toward more socially appropriate behaviors by offering such direction as “Oops. Let’s get you your own applesauce so Jamie can eat hers by herself.” As toddlers mature, they begin to develop early levels of purposeful control. They become more aware of social expectations and of the effect of their behavior on others. With adult prompting and support, they can wait for short periods of time before doing or getting what they want. They will accept adult help to control impulses in some situations, and they may even watch for cues from the adult about whether or not it is acceptable to do something. However, at this age children’s ability to stop what they are doing or to wait varies greatly, depending on the situation and the child’s emotional state.

Generally, young preschoolers demonstrate a growing capacity to use adult guidance to modulate their impulses. As they mature, they have less need for constant adult monitoring. They begin to develop the conscious awareness and intention to begin to control their own behavior in many situations. They can remember and follow consistent rules, though they often need prompting and reminders from adults to follow those rules. When simple routines have been consistent, preschoolers will begin to use these as strategies to guide their general behaviors. For example, some preschoolers will always remove their shoes before entering a home because that has been part a of their family’s routine.

Older preschoolers are increasingly able to use a variety of previously learned strategies, including rules and routines, to regulate their behavior, rather than acting impulsively. For example, they are able to wait for longer periods of time—such as waiting through “Ready, set” until the word “go” before taking off during a race. Increasingly, children may draw on self-talk as a means of self-regulation. For example, they may tell themselves to “Be careful,” “Don’t touch,” “Stop.” Older preschoolers are more knowledgeable about social rules and expectations and are also more concerned about the effects of their behaviors on others. As they internalize social rules and expectations, these gradually become the child’s own guidelines on how to act. They can think ahead, predict consequences, and self-monitor without constant cueing. For example, they may find something to do while waiting a turn or find a teacher to help them resolve a physical conflict rather than hit a child back.

References

Bronson, M. B. (2000). Recognizing and supporting the development of self-regulation in young children. Young Children, 55, 32-37.

Fox, L. & Garrison, S. (n.d.). Helping children learn to manage their own behavior. What Works Brief, 7. Retrieved March 1, 2008 from the Vanderbilt University, Center on the Social and Emotional Foundations for Early Learning website: http://www.vanderbilt.edu/csefel/briefs/wwb7.pdf

Fox, N. A., & Calkins, S. D. (2003). The development of self-control of emotion: Intrinsic and extrinsic influences. Motivation and Emotion, 27, 7-26.

Kochanska, G., Coy, K. C., & Murray, K. T. (2001). The development of self-regulation in the first four years of life. Child Development, 72, 1091-1111.

Kopp, C. B. (1982). Antecedents of self-regulation: A developmental perspective. Developmental Psychology, 18, 199-214.

Thompson, R. A. (2001). Development in the first years of life. The Future of Children: Caring for Infants and Toddlers, 11(1). Retrieved on March 1, 2008, from http://www.futureofchildren.org/information2826/information_show.htm?doc_id=79334

Vaughn, B. E., Kopp, C. B., & Krakow, J. B. (1984). The emergence and consolidation of self-control from eighteen to thirty months of age: Normative trends and individual differences. Child Development, 55, 990-1004.

Measure 12 — REG 2

Seeking Others’ Help to Regulate Self

Child manages needs through seeking or relying on assistance from other people

Children develop the capacity for self-regulation in the context of supportive, trusting relationships with adults. A critical step in this development is for young children to learn to actively seek the help of adults in regulating their emotions and behaviors. This begins as infants gradually become aware that their caregivers are the source of comfort and relief from distress and that their own behaviors can bring attention and comfort.

The ability of very young infants to regulate their states of arousal and their reactions to sensations of comfort and discomfort is very limited. Although they can react to distress by crying or becoming agitated, they are dependent on caregivers to relieve their distress by feeding them when they are hungry, for example, or holding them when they are unsettled. Infants who grow up with caring and responsive adults quickly learn that adults can be counted on for help and support. By five months old, infants learn to give simple cues and anticipate that their cues, whether it be a cry for help or a coo and smile for play and interaction, will get a desired response.

As toddlers become more mobile and more able to communicate their needs, they can actively seek out adults for comfort or help. Toddlers can move about to find their caregivers and can communicate what they need more clearly with gestures or words. For example, a toddler might stay near her caregiver in the presence of a stranger or call for his mother when frightened. Older toddlers are able to communicate their specific, immediate needs in a variety of ways. For example, a toddler might bring a toy to an adult to get help with it or take an adult’s hand for comfort in an unfamiliar situation.

As children move into the preschool years they become more independent. They have developed strategies for managing their own needs in some situations. They also are beginning to be able to anticipate situations and take action ahead of time to enlist adults’ help in managing their needs. For example, a child might ask an adult to help her put on her boots before going outside on a wet day.

References

Grolnick, W. S., Bridges, L. J., & Connell, J. P. (1996). Emotion regulation in two-year-olds: Strategies and emotional expression in four contexts. Child Development, 67, 928-941.

Kopp, C. B. (1989). Regulation of distress and negative emotions: A developmental view. Developmental Psychology, 25, 343-354.

Linder, T. W. (1993). Transdisciplinary play-based assessment: A functional approach to working with young children (Rev. ed.). Baltimore: Paul H. Brookes Publishing.

National Research Council and Institute of Medicine (2000). From neurons to neighborhoods: The science of early childhood development (pp. 93-123). Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

Smith, P. K., & Hart, C.H. (Eds.) (2004). Blackwell handbook of childhood social development. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, Inc.

Measure 13 — REG 3

Responsiveness to Other’s Support

Child is responsive to other’s assistance with self-regulation

The role of a supportive and nurturing caregiver in the development of a child’s ability to self-regulate cannot be overemphasized. Young children develop self-regulation through secure and trusting relationships in which they come to look to significant adults for guidance and support in regulating their emotions and behaviors.

Newborn infants are dependent on their caregivers for co-regulation—that is, infants need an adult to figure out what they need and to provide whatever is necessary to help them settle down. During the first few weeks of life, infants become increasingly aware of the adult as the source of comfort. When a caregiver is consistently responsive and soothing, infants begin to feel secure and confident in the relationship and may stop crying when they hear an adult responding to their calls. Over time, infants are increasingly able to regulate their emotions and reactions in response to a trusted adult’s presence and actions. They also begin to actively seek adult support and reassurance.

Toddlers are increasingly able to follow adult guidance to regulate their emotions and behaviors. They have learned to look to adults for assistance and guidance on what to do and how to act, and they know that adults can provide information about new situations and provide comfort when needed. For example, toddlers often look to their caregivers for cues on how to act (“Should I pick this up?”) or how to react (“Am I OK?”). At the same time, they are becoming aware of themselves as independent individuals and are trying out many newly developed behaviors. They are very focused on their new mobility and capacity for exploring their environment, so they depend on adult guidance to cue and remind them of limits and expectations.

Preschoolers are able to regulate their emotions and behaviors more independently. Although they are still very young, they are more socially and cognitively mature and are increasingly able to use what they have learned from past experiences in new situations. They are also able to use past adult guidance and assurances to regulate their emotions and behaviors. For example, a child who accidentally trips may pick himself up, check himself out, and, rather than crying, say “I’m OK.”

References

Beaty, J. J. (2006). Observing development of the young child (6th ed.) (pp. 70-100). New York: MacMillan Publishing Company.

Fox, N. A., & Calkins, S. D. (2003). The development of self-control of emotion: Intrinsic and extrinsic influences. Motivation and Emotion, 27, 7-26.

Kopp, C. B. (1982) Antecedents of self-regulation: A developmental perspective. Developmental Psychology, 18, 199-214.

Kopp, C. B. (1989). Regulation of distress and negative emotions: A developmental view. Developmental Psychology, 25, 343-354.

National Research Council and Institute of Medicine (2000). From neurons to neighborhoods: The science of early childhood development (pp. 93-123). Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

Measure 14 — REG 4

Self-Comforting

Child comforts self in response to distress from either internal or external stimulation

A child’s ability to self-comfort is closely tied to cognitive, motor, and social development. In responsive and supportive environments, children learn how to move from completely depending on others for comfort to learning ways to comfort themselves. Self-comforting is one of the ways in which children regulate their emotions and emotional reactions. It is important to keep in mind that culture has a direct influence on how emotions are expressed and regulated. For example, in one family, a two-year-old boy may be soothed by a caregiver when he cries after falling down, while in another, that child might be told that he is too old to cry. Temperament also plays a role in children’s emotional regulation, including their developing ability to self-comfort.

Newborn infants respond to distress or disturbance by fussing, startling, or reflexive avoidance—for example, closing their eyes against a bright light. They are dependent on caregivers to figure out the cause of their distress, to eliminate the cause (by feeding, turning the baby over, changing a diaper, etc.), and to sooth them. In the first few months of life, infants begin to learn some simple behaviors for soothing themselves, such as sucking on a fist. Before the end of the first year, infants develop the motor skills and awareness to purposefully use simple behaviors to comfort themselves when stressed—for example, sucking their thumb, resting their head on the floor, or signaling to an adult to pick them up.

Toddlers develop more purposeful and varied strategies to comfort themselves. Their new mobility allows them to leave a stressful situation or to seek out a person or familiar object such as a blanket for comfort. Toddlers may also distract themselves with a toy or activity. For example, if a child is worried by the presence of a stranger in the classroom, he might turn his back to the stranger and line up toy cars. Like younger babies, toddlers may continue to use self-soothing behaviors such as thumb sucking or hair twirling. With experience and development, they are increasingly capable of figuring out ways to comfort themselves that fit with the situation. For example, an older toddler might put his hands over his ears to dampen the loud sound when a fire drill alarm scares him, or he might go to a different area of the room to play if other children are fighting.

As they move into the preschool years, young children are becoming more aware of their own emotional responses, as well as of social expectations of behavior. They are also becoming able to think about the future. This allows them to begin to anticipate their needs for comfort in potentially stressful situations and take action before the stressor actually happens. For example, when faced with an unfamiliar event or situation, a child might ask an adult in advance for information (“What will happen?”) or assurances (“Will you come back?”).

References

Fox, N. A., & Calkins, S. D. (2003). The development of self-control of emotion: Intrinsic and extrinsic influences. Motivation and Emotion, 27, 7-26.

Grolnick, W. S. , Bridges, L. J., & Connell, J. P. (1996). Emotion regulation in two-year-olds: Strategies and emotional expression in four contexts. Child Development, 67, 928-941.

Kopp, C. B. (1982) Antecedents of self-regulation: A developmental perspective. Developmental Psychology, 18, 199-214.

Kopp, C. B. (1989). Regulation of distress and negative emotions: A developmental view. Developmental Psychology, 25, 343-354.

Mangelsdorf, S. C., Shapiro, J. R., & Marzolf, D. (1995). Developmental and temperamental differences in emotion regulation in infancy. Child Development, 66, 1817-1828.

Measure 15 — REG 5

Taking Turns

Child develops increased understanding of taking turns and begins to propose strategies for taking turns

Taking turns is closely related to impulse control. It requires children to manage their behavior in order to comply with what is socially acceptable and to balance their needs with those of others. In taking turns, children must wait to do something or to obtain what they want, or they must give up a toy or activity to another person according to a social rule. Through the coaching, modeling, and prompting of adults, young children are able to learn the behavior of taking turns, even though they might not feel like complying. It is important to remember that taking turns is a social convention. It is a cultural custom taught by caregivers. Some children are raised with a concept of private property, and some have been raised with the principle of community property. An early childhood setting may have children from both ends of this spectrum.

Infants and toddlers enjoy games that involve turn-taking with adults, such as handing a toy back and forth, taking turns eating a banana, or rolling a ball back and forth. These teaching games are led and coached by the adult. Young children who have had such enjoyable experiences with adults bring that back-and-forth, “copy-cat” play to their own early play with peers. However, sharing space and materials is difficult for very young children. Toddlers are beginning to learn the concept of taking turns, but they need considerable adult direction and support to give up ownership and take turns with other children.

Young preschoolers can follow adult requests to wait for their turn, particularly in situations in which the turn-taking rules are well-defined and familiar, such as turn-taking in everyday preschool or family routines. As they become more aware of social rules and expectations, preschoolers are increasingly able to use adult-structured routines as supports to share with others and take turns. At this stage, they are not able to initiate their own routines, but they are able to use routines, timers or token systems implemented by adults. For example, they may stop a preferred activity when the timer rings indicating that it is time to move to a new activity. For young preschoolers, taking turns becomes a generally acceptable reason for giving up something or for waiting, though they may not always do so willingly.

Older preschoolers are beginning to internalize the rules and expectations taught by adults. They can remember and will usually abide by adult expectations and guidelines for taking turns, especially when it is for their own benefit. Preschoolers are also increasingly interested in getting along with peers and will use turn-taking as a strategy for sustaining play and smoothing interactions. They will follow established turn-taking rules for a particular activity and may even tell the rules to their playmates—“The rule is I get to go around three times then it’s your turn.” If caregivers have modeled and taught taking turns, older preschoolers will begin to propose strategies for taking turns independently in their play with others. They may suggest lining up their cars for turns at the pretend car wash or may guide turn-taking at basketball by saying “First me, then you, then him, then him, then me again.”

References

Bronson, M. B. (2000). Self-regulation in early childhood: Nature and nurture. New York: Guilford Press.

Linder, T. W. (1993). Transdisciplinary play-based assessment: A functional approach to working with young children (Rev. ed.). Baltimore: Paul H. Brookes Publishing.

National Research Council and Institute of Medicine (2000). From neurons to neighborhoods: The science of early childhood development (pp. 93-123). Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

Oken-Wright, P. (1992). From tug of war to ‘let’s make a deal’: The teacher’s role. Young Children, 48, 15-20.

Desired Result 1 — Indicator: Language (LANG)

Children show growing abilities in communication and language

During the infant, toddler, and preschool years, children demonstrate dramatic growth in their ability to understand communication from others, to remember and act upon that communication, to communicate their ideas and needs to others, and to engage in conversational interactions.

An infant is born without the ability to send intentional messages or understand intentional communication from others. Gradually, through consistent interactions with caregivers, infants learn to comprehend gestures, facial expressions, and vocalizations; and they similarly learn to send messages to others. Once an infant is engaging in intentional communication, he then begins to understand and eventually use words symbolically, which means that he will understand the meaning of a word even in the absence of the object that the word represents.

Once a child is able to use words as symbols, he begins to rapidly acquire receptive and expressive vocabularies, that is, the words he understands and the words he uses. As children build to a working vocabulary of about fifty words, they begin to understand and produce two- and then three-word combinations. At this point, the process of learning the grammar of language begins. Children learn to comprehend and produce various parts of speech (nouns, verbs, pronouns, adverbs, adjectives, etc) and to use inflections to change verb tense, to indicate plurals or possessives. They also learn to change word order to combine ideas, to ask questions and to form negatives. In general, children will understand or comprehend grammatical constructions before they use them in speech.

During this same period, children become able to comprehend and remember longer messages. This is evidenced by their ability to follow instructions involving more than one step, as well as instructions that involve unfamiliar or new experiences. Children also are learning to use language for various social purposes and are learning the rules for engaging in conversation, such as how to initiate a conversation, maintain a topic, change a topic, and end a conversation.

Measure 16 — LANG 1

Language Comprehension

Child receives, understands, and responds to oral language that uses increasingly complex words, phrases, and ideas

Most newborns enter the world with a level of cognitive, sensory, and neuromotor ability (as well as a strong desire to interact with other humans) that predisposes them to becoming language users. Learning to gather meaning from the utterances and gestures of others is an important precursor to language acquisition. Most infants are born with the potential to distinguish between the speech sounds of any language. Over time, however, they learn to pay attention to those particular speech sounds (or gestures and hand movements) that are a part of their environment. Infants begin to recognize the meaning of particular words or gestures that are part of routines and gradually begin to recognize their meaning, even out of context. As they continue to develop, they understand the meaning of words and phrases and also parts of words that create changes in meaning, such as verb tense (-ing or –ed) or plurals (-s). Eventually, they understand not only the specific meanings of word combinations and sentences but also the abstract concepts being communicated by language.

Most infants are born with sensory abilities (vision, hearing, and touch) that are developed well enough so that they react to voices, sounds, and gestures. Infants soon demonstrate familiarity with the voices and faces of caregivers by responding to them differently than to unfamiliar voices and faces. Infants also begin to recognize a few words or gestures that are used very frequently (“mama,” “dada”) and gradually increase the number of words they recognize.

Toddlers rapidly increase the number of words they understand. They recognize an increasing variety of words that name objects and actions used in familiar routines. They also begin to show that they comprehend words that are used to refer to things that are not present. For example, they will search for a named object which is not visible or a named person who is not presently in the room. In addition, toddlers begin to demonstrate an understanding of more than just single words. They respond to longer adult utterances in a way that demonstrates comprehension of multiple word combinations and even short sentences.

Young preschoolers further refine their comprehension of language by demonstrating their understanding of grammatical elements of language, such as the difference between pronouns (he, she, them), the meaning of possessive markers (“Mario’s coat”) and also verb tenses (-ing and -ed). In addition, young preschoolers begin to understand grammatical elements of language that describe more abstract concepts, including comparatives (-er and -est) and prepositions that identify relative location (“The doggie is behind you.”).

Older preschoolers continue to add to their receptive vocabulary and begin to understand language that is used to communicate their rapidly developing ability to grasp abstractions. For example, they begin to understand language that is referencing past or future events. In addition, older preschoolers understand language that is explaining or predicting events (“What will happen if we put the cookies in the oven?”) and language that is describing imaginary events (“Where would you live if you were a princess?”).

References

Crais, E. R., & Roberts, J. E. (2004). Assessing communication skills. In M. McLean, M. Wolery, & D. Bailey (Eds.), Assessing infants and preschoolers with special needs. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Merrill/Prentice Hall.

Owens, R. (2001). Language development: An introduction. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Merrill/Prentice Hall.

McCormick, L., Loeb, D., & Schiefelbusch, R. (2003). Supporting children with communication difficulties in inclusive settings. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.

Smiley, L. R., & Goldstein, P. A. (1998). Language delays and disorders. San Diego: Singular Publishing Group.

Measure 17 — LANG 2

Responsiveness to Language

Child understands and responds to increasingly complex directions and requests

As children develop, they are increasingly able to comprehend and respond to communications from others. One important way in which children demonstrate their understanding and responsiveness to language is by following directions. This developing ability is frequently the focus of efforts in preschool programs for the purpose of preparing children for future classroom instruction. As children develop, they become able to understand and remember multi-step directions and to follow directions that are new and unfamiliar.

Newborn infants react briefly and, at first, reflexively to environmental events, including spoken language and gestures. Soon, they become able to discriminate between sounds and gestures produced by familiar adults and those produced by others. Eventually, infants learn that spoken words and gestures have meaning, and they begin to associate words with the objects or events they represent.

As toddlers develop, they are rapidly adding words to both their receptive and their expressive vocabularies. Toddlers begin to respond to simple requests or questions about things and events in their environment (“Where is the baby?” or “Want to swing?”). Eventually, toddlers are able to respond to instructions that relate to familiar routines in the home or child care setting (“Let’s put the books away now,” or “Go get your coat.”).

Young preschoolers are able to apply their language comprehension abilities to the task of following instructions that have one or two steps, but they also can apply this comprehension ability to new tasks or in environments that are unfamiliar. As they develop, young preschoolers are able to follow directions that refer to events that will happen at a future time (“When the bell rings, put your paints away.”), thus remembering over a period of time what they are supposed to do.

Older preschoolers are able to comprehend and remember instructions that involve as many as three steps. Initially, this will be easier when it includes familiar routines. Eventually, however, older preschoolers are able to carry out instructions involving three steps that relate to a new task or unfamiliar situation.

References

Bricker, D. (2002). Assessment, evaluation and programming system for infants and young children. Baltimore: Paul Brookes Publishing Co.

Brigance, A. H. (1991). Brigance diagnostic inventory of early development-revised. North Billerica, MA: Curriculum Associates.

Furuno, S., O’Reilly, K., Hosaka, C., Inatsuka, T., Zeisloft-Falbey, B., & Alman, T. (1997). Hawaii Early Learning Profile (HELP) activity guide. Palo Alto, CA: VORT Corporation.

McLean, J., & Snyder-McLean, L. (1999). How children learn language. San Diego: Singular Publishing Co.

Owens, R. (2001). Language development: An introduction. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Merrill/Prentice Hall.

Measure 18 — LANG 3

Expresses Self Through Language

Child uses language to communicate with increasingly complex words and sentences

As they develop, young children acquire the ability to communicate with others through their use of language. Newborn infants produce sounds only reflexively but gradually learn to produce sounds and vocalizations that have shared meaning. When young children have acquired a vocabulary of single words, they begin to combine two words to communicate meaning. Eventually they learn to use grammatical constructions in longer and more complex phrases and sentences to communicate information to others in their environment.

Infants initially produce sounds unintentionally and in response to internal sensations. They gradually begin to move arms or legs, make facial expressions, coo, and even cry in response to their bodily sensations and also in response to interactions with the environment. Eventually, infants use gestures or sounds intentionally to send a message for others to act on. At this point, infants expect a response to their communications. Once infants are intentionally communicating, they begin to use words or word approximations or gestures to communicate specific meaning.

Toddlers begin to add simple words to their vocabulary, including the names of things and actions, as well as function words (more, all gone, no, this). These words are often used in combination with gestures and facial expressions. As soon as toddlers have a vocabulary of approximately 50 words, they begin to put two words together in very specific ways, indicating names (“that birdie”), possession (“my doggie”), recurrence (“more milk”), negation (“no juice”), and action-object (“push truck”). With time, toddlers continue to add new words to their vocabulary.

Young preschoolers advance from two word utterances to multi-word utterances (such as “I see Mommy.”). As their utterances become longer, preschoolers also begin to learn to apply grammatical rules to communicate things such as possession (‘s), plurals (-s), verb tense (-ing and –ed), and pronouns (he, she, they). As with toddlers, their vocabulary is still growing.

Older preschoolers are learning to produce more grammatically complex language by changing word order to express questions (“Do you have the ball?”), negatives (“I do not have a ball.”), and combining utterances to produce more complex utterances (“I went to the door because I saw the mailman.”). Older preschoolers also demonstrate the ability to use language abstractly to describe an imaginary event or to predict the future. Their vocabulary continues to grow as children continue mastering grammatical aspects of language.

References

Crais, E. R., & Roberts, J. E. (2004). Assessing communication skills. In M. McLean, M. Wolery, & D. Bailey (Eds.), Assessing infants and preschoolers with special needs. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Merrill/Prentice Hall.

Owens, R. (2001). Language development: An introduction. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Merrill/Prentice Hall.

McCormick, L., Loeb, D., & Schiefelbusch, R. (2003). Supporting children with communication difficulties in inclusive settings. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.

McLean, J., & Snyder-McLean, L. (1999). How children learn language. San Diego: Singular Publishing Co.

Smiley, L. R., & Goldstein, P. A. (1998). Language delays and disorders. San Diego: Singular Publishing Group.

Measure 19 — LANG 4

Uses Language in Conversation

Child engages in increasingly extended conversations following the appropriate social use of language

In addition to learning how to get meaning from language and how to produce language, children learn how to use language in conversation, in various social situations, and for a variety of purposes. As children develop, they are increasingly able to tailor their communication to the information they just gained from the person they are talking with (communication partner), thus taking the perspective of that person into consideration. As they learn to tailor their conversations, children begin to carry on interactive conversations with one another.

Newborn infants react to the sounds and gestures produced by an adult by orienting or perhaps looking. Soon, infants learn to respond to adults during interaction and may smile and maintain a gaze at the adult as the adult talks. Eventually, infants engage in back-and-forth communication by cooing or making movements or gestures with the adult and engaging in turn-taking games, such as peek-a-boo.

Toddlers continue to use turn-taking in communication by engaging in turn-taking naming routines, such as naming pictures in books. In addition, toddlers answer simple questions with single-word utterances. One aspect of carrying on a conversation is learning how to initiate a conversation. Toddlers become rather accomplished at introducing one or two new ideas, but they have difficulty keeping the conversation going by making relevant responses to their communication partner’s comments. However, this skill improves over time.

Young preschoolers can engage in connected conversations with adults that involve several related ideas. The improved ability to maintain a topic of conversation means that fewer new topics are being introduced during an interaction. In addition, young preschoolers are improving their abilities to use language appropriately for a variety of purposes, such as making a request, declining an offer, and even telling a simple joke.

Older preschoolers are able to carry on conversations about either real or imaginary experiences for an increasing number of turns, depending on the topic and who they are talking to. In addition, older preschoolers are more able to base their comments during their conversations on the information contributed by the communication partner, thus demonstrating their awareness of the perspective of the partner.

References

Bates, E. (1976). Language and context: The acquisition of pragmatics. New York: Academic Press.

Owens, R. (2001). Language development: An introduction. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Merrill/Prentice Hall.

McCormick, L., Loeb, D., & Schiefelbusch, R. (2003). Supporting children with communication difficulties in inclusive settings. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.

Smiley, L. R., & Goldstein, P. A. (1998). Language delays and disorders. San Diego: Singular Publishing Group.

Wells, G. (1985). Language development in the preschool years. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Desired Result 2 — Indicator: Learning (LRN)

Children show interest, motivation, and persistence in their approaches to learning

Learning is defined as a relatively permanent change in behavior due to experience. Learning is dynamic and reflects the continuous interplay between the biological characteristics of a child and his environmental experiences. Children are active participants in their learning. Their opportunities and experiences greatly influence what and how they will learn. Children have great potential to learn in their early childhood years, particularly when they are engaged in meaningful activities in facilitative and responsive environments.

Several indicators suggest that a child is disposed to learn. These include the ability to maintain attention, to be persistent, to be curious, and to show initiative. Infants orient to people and objects in their environment and demonstrate selective attention to faces, sounds, language, and objects. Through early sensorimotor actions, infants learn about simple cause-and-effect and means-end relationships. They also learn to imitate simple actions. Later in their first year, infants persist for short periods of time to solve simple problems.

Toddlers maintain attention and persist at solving problems for longer periods of time, primarily using trial and error approaches. Through trial and error, they learn about how things work, and they build on previous understandings to develop enhanced ways to relate to people and objects in their environment. Toddlers demonstrate curiosity about how things work, and their developing sense of competence leads them to take initiative to seek learning experiences.

During the preschool years, children demonstrate sustained attention for activities they prefer. They persist for reasonably long periods of time, particularly with tasks that are in their zone of proximal development (not too easy or not too hard). Preschool children form simple hypotheses about how things work, test these hypotheses, and refine them as necessary. Preschoolers actively construct knowledge, integrating new concepts into their existing understandings. During the preschool years, children learn how to learn as they reflect, predict, question, and hypothesize.

Measure 20 — LRN 1

Curiosity and initiative

Child pursues knowledge or understanding of new materials or activities

Infants and young children are active participants in their own learning and development. They are innately curious and disposed to know about the world around them. Infants and young children are eager to explore, interact with, make sense of, and gain mastery over their physical and social environments. Their curiosity and initiative is reflected in their persistence in exploring the unique or novel features of their environments and their active interest in learning more about how things work.

Infants show interest in the world around them through their earliest and simplest behaviors. Very young infants scan their environments and orient toward sights and sounds that attract their attention. Infants notice unfamiliar people, objects, or sounds and often react with special interest to new or unexpected things or events. During the latter part of the first year of life, infants display curiosity by actively seeking experiences with objects or people and exploring their features. For example, they explore objects by repeatedly banging, mouthing, and shaking them. Through this kind of exploratory play, infants discover and learn about the special properties of objects (by rolling them or making noise with them) and the effects of their own actions. Near the end of their first year of life, infants take the initiative to practice or repeat actions that lead to interesting outcomes, such as pushing buttons on an activity box or pressing a switch to activate a toy.

Toddlers’ increased mobility and growing language and cognitive skills enable them to exercise their curiosity and initiative in ways that are increasingly more purposeful and inventive. They take pleasure in achieving goals, such as reaching a toy on a high shelf or making a playdough snake. They also persist for short periods of time to solve simple problems, for example, hooking together the engine and cars of a train. They experiment with a variety of simple, deliberate actions to learn about how things work. In addition, they are curious about peers and adults, and they actively seek social interactions.

Young preschoolers express interest in new activities or materials by intently watching what other children or adults are doing and by asking questions about how things work or how something is done. Preschoolers also actively experiment with novel or familiar objects or materials by putting things together or using things in new ways to see what will happen. For example, a child might try pushing his toy car down a slide to see if it will go fast.

Older preschoolers actively seek information about the objects, events, or people they are curious about. They often do this by asking many questions, trying out new ways to learn about things (using a new tool like a magnifying glass, for example), or seeking information in books. They can think about simple hypotheses and take the initiative to test these hypotheses. For example, a child might put ice cubes in a bowl and set it on a windowsill to see if the cubes melt in the sun.

References

Brockman, L. M., Morgan, G. A., & Harmon, R. J. (1988). Mastery motivation and developmental delay. In T. Wachs & R. Sheehan (Eds.), Assessment of young developmentally disabled children (pp. 267-284). New York: Plenum.

Green, M. (2002). Teachers helping parents to raise the level of curiosity in young children. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED467794).

Jennings, K. D., & Dietz, L. J. (2003). Mastery motivation and goal persistence in young children. In M. H. Bornstein, L. Davidson, C. L. Keyes, & K. A. Moore (Eds.), Well-being: Positive development across the life course (pp. 295-309). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.

Measure 21 — LRN 2

Attention Maintenance and Persistence

Child persists in attending, mastering, and understanding an activity of his/her choice in the face of difficulty or challenge

Throughout infancy and early childhood, children become increasingly able to pay attention when it is called for, to shift their attention when it is needed, and to work, even when there are challenges or distractions in the environment. As they become able to attend appropriately to objects and events in the environment, to other people, and to their own actions, children are increasingly able to engage in purposeful activities and to learn. Ultimately, it is their ability to pay attention and to be persistent that constitute two of the essential ingredients for all future learning and goal-oriented activities.

Newborn infants are sensitive to events around them and react by attending (by turning toward a sound, for example) or by changing their state (such as by quieting to a sound that attracts them). As their vision and motor skills improve, infants are increasingly able to attend to and interact with the world around them. They begin to respond and pay attention to specific cues. For example, an infant may stop crying when she notices her father moving to pick her up, or she might move her arms and legs in delight upon seeing a familiar face. Infants can focus their attention for short periods of time and are particularly attentive to novel sights and sounds. As they develop their ability to manipulate objects, their sustained attention increases, although they are still easily distracted by other people and events. For example, an infant may stop feeding when the doorbell rings, or turn away from a peek-a-boo game when another child enters her field of vision. Infants are also developing their ability to persist in activities that interest them. This can be seen as they explore cause-and-effect relationships, by dropping a toy to the floor and dropping it again each time someone hands it back, for example.

Toddlers’ insatiable curiosity spurs them to explore new and interesting things and activities. Although they may still be easily distracted from their pursuits by other people or activities near them, toddlers are increasingly able to focus their attention. They are particularly attentive and focused when involved in a goal-directed activity, such as trying to climb up on a stool while holding a toy, or putting all the housekeeping dishes in a shopping cart. While these challenging, self-imposed activities may lead to frustration and tears from time to time, they also lead to feelings of mastery and accomplishment, which are critical for developing the persistence needed to continue to learn and master new skills.

Young preschoolers are developing more mature strategies for relating to people and objects and are increasingly able to attend to more than one thing. For example, a young preschooler learns at mealtime that she can shift her attention back and forth between eating and chatting. At this age, young children also begin to be able to stay focused, even when there are distractions. It is important to remember, however, that the active imagination and creativity of the young preschooler also lead to distractions, especially in tasks imposed by others. So while a young preschooler may be able to focus her attention on sorting numerous toy cars by color, for example, oblivious to the distraction of a signal to clean up, that same child may be distracted by a bug on the sidewalk when she is part of a group taking a walk together around the block.

Older preschoolers are better able to direct and sustain their attention and to work, even when there are distractions in the environment (by finishing painting a wood sculpture, for example, even though two other children are hammering in the block area). They are also more able to persist in challenging situations in order to solve a difficult problem or master an activity (such as by continuing to practice printing their own name, even though the letters are challenging to form). Because older preschoolers have developed the memory and the ability to think about and plan for the future, they are also interested in and able to follow through with longer-term activities, such as completing multi-step projects or mastering a skill through practice. As children try to do things and experience successes, they develop a variety of purposeful strategies that they can bring to new learning situations. They also develop the motivation to be persistent, which is essential to their current and future learning.

References

Hupp, S.C., & Abbeduto, L. (1991). Persistence as an indicator of mastery motivation in young children with cognitive delays. Journal of Early Intervention, 15, 219-225.

Pruitt, M.D., D.B. (Ed.). (1998). American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry. Your child: Emotional, behavioral, and cognitive development from birth through preadolescence (pp. 3-119). New York, NY: HarperCollins.

Ruff, H.A., & Lawson, K.R. (1990). Development of sustained, focused attention in young children during free play. Developmental Psychology, 26, 85-93.

Ruff, H.A., & Rothbart, M.K. (1996). Attention in early development: Themes and variations. New York: Oxford University Press.

National Research Council and Institute of Medicine (2000). From neurons to neighborhoods: The science of early childhood development (pp. 116-123). Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

Desired Result 2 — Indicator: Cognitive Competence (COG)

Children show cognitive competence and problem-solving skills through play and daily activities

Cognition is a term used to describe a broad group of mental abilities. These include attending and responding to similarities and differences, thinking, reasoning, problem solving, and remembering. Cognitive competence is usually inferred from children’s motor, communication, or social behaviors during their play and daily activities. The opportunities that children have to interact with people and objects within and across environments help them construct knowledge and understand the world around them. Learning opportunities contribute importantly to cognitive competence, particularly when these opportunities are organized around children’s interests and preferences.

Developing cognition involves understanding cause-and-effect relationships, solving problems, using symbols, engaging in pretend play and using memory in increasingly involved and sophisticated ways. Indicators of cognitive competence during infancy typically involve infants’ attention and actions as they explore and interact with their physical and social environments (sensorimotor activity). Examples include an infant shaking a rattle to hear a sound or moving around furniture to get a favorite toy. As children develop and gain additional experiences, indicators of their cognitive competence broaden. From late infancy on, young children are increasingly able to form basic mental representations of things and to mentally manipulate ideas and concepts. Their cognitive competence is demonstrated by their growing ability to understand and solve problems, to remember and apply what they know to familiar and new situations, and to generate new ideas. Although actions, in play and everyday activities, are still important indicators of cognition, language now becomes central as children become increasingly able to talk about what they know and what they are thinking and doing. Preschoolers begin to develop higher-level thinking and problem-solving skills, which are fostered when they are encouraged to reflect, predict, question, and form simple hypotheses.

Measure 22 — COG 1

Memory

Child stores, retrieves, and uses information about both familiar and unfamiliar events, past experiences, people, and things

Memory involves the ability to attend to and recall objects and events and to act on the basis of these recollections. Several types of memory develop during the early childhood years. These include short-term memory (also called “working memory”), which is memory for temporarily storing and thinking about information, and “event memory,” which refers to memory for past events, both familiar and unfamiliar. Across infancy and early childhood, children are increasingly able to remember more things for longer periods of time and to communicate what they remember to others.

Newborn infants briefly orient to sounds, sights, and touch. Soon, however, infants begin to attend to people and objects in the environment for longer periods of time. They are also increasingly able to interact with people and objects. They begin to form memories from their experiences and will anticipate that something that has occurred will occur again in a similar situation. For example, once an infant discovers that batting a hanging toy or mobile makes it move, she will use the same action on a different hanging toy. Older infants demonstrate increasingly stable memories for familiar people or things. They are able to remember that things still exist even when they are no longer physically observable. For example, if an older infant sees a favorite toy being hidden under a blanket, she will lift the blanket to find the toy.

Toddlers remember the location of familiar objects and will search for these objects in their usual location. They react to changes in familiar games and may be surprised or upset when objects do not function in usual ways. The behaviors of toddlers show that they remember familiar routines. For example, they might sit down for an afternoon snack after free play, if this sequence of events is familiar to them. Older toddlers typically can remember at least several steps in familiar, simple routines, and they demonstrate this by carrying out these routines with little or no prompting.

Young preschoolers are increasingly able to remember objects, events, and sequences of events. They know the sequence of events in their daily routines and can anticipate what comes next. If asked, they can recount some of the steps or events in a routine sequence and will often object if steps are skipped or completed out of order. The developing language skills of young preschoolers, as well as their memory, enable them to communicate a few key details of what they remember about people, things, or events. For example, in the afternoon, a child might tell an adult what he ate for his morning snack. Preschoolers are also beginning to remember and communicate things they have been told. For example, a child might tell her teacher, “My aunt is picking me up today.”

Older preschoolers are able to remember and tell about an infrequent event that happened in their past. They can remember and respond to questions about a field trip that occurred the week before or can tell about an experience in great detail without being asked. Older preschoolers are able to recount sequences of related events from a past experience or from something they have heard. For example, a child might re-tell or act out a simple story in pretend play.

References

Bauer, P. J. (1997). Development of memory in early childhood. In N. Cowan (Ed.), The development of memory in early childhood (pp. 83-111). Hove East Sussex, UK: Psychology Press.

Fivush, R. (1997). Event memory in early childhood. In N. Cowan (Ed.), The development of memory in early childhood (pp. 139-161). Hove East Sussex, UK: Psychology Press.

Johnson-Martin, N. M., Hacker, B. J., & Attermeir, S. M. (2004). The Carolina curriculum for preschoolers with special needs. Baltimore: Brookes.

National Research Council (2000). Eager to learn: Educating our preschoolers. Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

Reese, E., & Brown N. (2000). Reminiscing and recounting in the preschool years. Applied Cognitive Psychology, 14, 1-17.

Measure 23 — COG 2

Cause and Effect

Child shows understanding of the connection between cause and effect

Identifying cause-and-effect relationships (relating events to what made them happen) is one of the primary ways that young children make sense of the world. From very early on, reasoning about what makes things happen is central to how young children interpret and remember events. Infants and young children begin to learn about cause and effect by noticing the outcomes of their own actions and the actions of others. This knowledge continues to develop as children explore ways to make something happen or to find out how something works.

Infants’ earliest activities, such as moving their limbs, sucking, and looking, bring them in contact with their surroundings and with their own bodies. These contacts produce simple cause-and-effect relationships that are, at first, accidental—such as the pleasurable effect of sucking on a hand that comes in contact with the mouth. Infants rapidly begin to notice the relationships between specific actions and subsequent experiences and will make efforts to repeat actions that have an interesting effect. For example, as an infant grasps a toy bell, she may shake it a bit, causing an interesting sound. Noticing the connection between her movement and the sound, she will shake the bell repeatedly, apparently for the pleasure of making it ring. As infants grow and develop, they will use their growing repertoire of behaviors deliberately and specifically to cause something to happen.

Toddlers demonstrate an active interest in cause-and-effect relationships by exploring them in their play and in everyday activities. They experiment in limited ways to discover causes of the events they observe. For example, if a toddler is shown a toy with flashing lights, she might try out various buttons or switches on the toy to determine how to make the lights flash again. Older toddlers will experiment by acting on objects in different ways to find out what will happen. A toddler might vary the force she uses to roll a ball, for example, pushing it gently at first and then hard to see how fast or how far it will go.

Children’s understanding of causal relationships develops significantly during the preschool years. Young preschoolers notice the regularity of cause-and-effect relationships in events they experience repeatedly and can anticipate and predict the consequences of familiar actions. Furthermore, they can begin to use what they have learned from familiar situations to reason about causes and effects in similar but less common situations. If they know how to flip a switch on a wall in order to turn on the overhead lights, for example, they may figure out that turning a switch on a lamp will turn that light on or off, as well.

Older preschoolers continue to build their knowledge about cause and effect in events they directly experience or observe. They are also increasingly able to reason about how events are related and to think about things without actually doing them. These developments enable them to infer causes and make predictions, based on what they know, with greater accuracy and sophistication. Eventually, older preschoolers will be able to make predictions about what might happen in a new situation based on what they have experienced or been told in the past (these predictions may or may not be accurate). For example, a child who has been bitten by a pet might warn another child not to touch the hamster because it will bite.

References

Dunst, C. J. (1981). Infant learning. Allen, TX: DLM.

Ginsburg, H. P., & Opper, S. (1988) Piaget’s theory of intellectual development. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.

Goswami, U. (Ed.) (2004). Blackwell handbook of childhood cognitive development. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, Inc.

Shultz, T. R. (1982). Rules of causal attribution. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 47(1, Serial No. 194).

Sophian, C., & Huber, A. (1984). Early developments in children’s causal judgments. Child Development, 55, 512-526.

Wolery, M., & Wolery, R. A. (1992). Promoting functional cognitive skills. In D. B. Bailey & M. Wolery (Eds.), Teaching infants and preschoolers with disabilities (pp. 521-572). New York: Merrill.

Measure 24 — COG 3

Engages in Problem Solving

Child shows increasing ability to reason logically or use strategies to solve challenging problems

Problem-solving refers to actions children take to understand their social and physical environments. Strategies (the “means”) for solving a problem often are distinguished from the goal associated with solving the problem (the “ends”). Problem-solving experiences help young children develop persistence and work toward achieving a goal. As children solve simple problems, they gain confidence in their abilities to solve new problems, and they gain a sense of mastery of their environments.

Newborn infants orient to objects and people in their environment by moving their bodies and by briefly directing their attention. As they develop, young infants learn that they can direct their actions to make contact with people and objects and to make things happen. An infant can touch her caregiver’s hair, bring her hand to her mouth to calm herself, or roll over to move toward a toy. Later, infants develop a variety of simple strategies to achieve goals, such as pushing away obstacles to get at the toy they want or crawling over to an adult and grabbing her leg when they want to be picked up.

Toddlers use a variety of actions to solve simple problems, including trial and error. A child might repeatedly try fitting a puzzle piece into a puzzle board before having success. Older toddlers might try a strategy they observe someone else use. For example, if a toddler sees an adult using a stool to reach an object on a shelf, she might use that stool or a similar one to try to obtain a toy that is out of reach.

Young preschoolers solve problems by relying on strategies that have helped them in the past to reach desired goals. They solve problems without trying out every possibility by avoiding solutions that clearly will not work. For example, a child who is trying to reach something may realize that standing on a chair won’t work, so he may ask an adult to get the object for him.

Older preschoolers use familiar actions in new ways to solve problems. They experiment carefully with strategies that are familiar to them to reach desired ends. An older preschooler might hypothesize that an unfamiliar toy is not working because the batteries have been removed. She might check to see whether batteries are in the toy, and, if not, might ask an adult for assistance. Eventually, older preschoolers are able to consider a problem and generate alternative strategies for solving it. For example, if the lights go off in the classroom, a child might suggest getting a flashlight or telling the custodian.

References

Britz, J. (1993). Problem solving in early childhood classrooms. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED355040). Retrieved March 1,2008, from http://www.ericdigests.org/1993/early.htm

Dunst, C.J. (1981). Infant learning. Allen, TX: DLM.

Goswami, U. (Ed.) (2004). Blackwell handbook of childhood cognitive development. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, Inc.

National Association for the Education of Young Children. (n.d.). Early years are learning years: Helping children become problem solvers. Washington, DC: Author. Retrieved March 1, 2008, from http://www.naeyc.org/ece/2003/12.pdf

Measure 25 — COG 4

Object and Pretend Play

Child uses objects to represent other objects or ideas

Children are motivated to play by several factors: their desire to master challenging tasks, their curiosity to understand features of objects and how they work, and their desire to interact with others. Play is an important vehicle for children’s social, emotional, motor, and cognitive development, as well as a reflection of that development. Through play, children learn new skills and practice skills they have already mastered. Children develop skills and explore concepts as they engage in functional play with objects and also as they use objects in pretend play. Despite all of this, play is fun for most children and a preferred activity.

Newborn infants operate at a primarily reflexive level of development. They play by regarding people and objects briefly. Once infants begin to manipulate objects, they explore features of those objects using their senses. For example, they bang and mouth a rattle or manipulate parts of objects, such as spinning a wheel on a “busy box.” In the latter part of the first year of life, infants begin actively exploring the relationships between objects in their play. They combine objects in play, for example, by placing objects in containers or nesting cups or by stacking blocks.

Toddlers spend significant amounts of time playing with objects in ways they are intended to be used, such as stirring in a cup with a spoon or using a crayon to mark on paper. They do this mostly on their own or next to other children, using simple, available objects such as blocks, containers, and common household objects. Older toddlers engage in early pretense, or pretend, play. They pretend by using miniatures or toy replicas of real-life objects as if they were the actual objects. For example, they might pretend to drink from a toy cup or feed a doll with a toy spoon.

Young preschoolers also begin to play symbolically, pretending that an object is something else. For example, they might use a block to represent a car or pretend that a napkin is a baby’s blanket. In addition, young preschool children’s play becomes more interactive and often involves playing along side or with another child.

Older preschoolers demonstrate extensive dramatic or symbolic play, either alone or with others. They organize pretend play around simple themes, using common household objects or miniature replicas of these objects. For example, they might pretend to make a cake in the sandbox, using a stick as a spoon to stir the “cake batter.” Children take on roles in these pretend scenarios. For example, one child might pretend to drive a bus, using a block as a steering wheel, while other children pretend to be passengers. With time, the themes become more elaborate. For example, they might pretend to operate a restaurant: taking orders, cooking, and serving the food with or without props.

References

Bergen, D. (2001). Pretend play and young children’s development (ERIC Reproduction Service No. ED458045). Retrieved March 1, 2008, from http://www.ericdigests.org/2002-2/play.htm

Bredekamp, S., & Copple, C. (1997). Developmentally appropriate practice in early childhood programs (Rev. ed.). Washington, DC: National Association for the Education of Young Children.

Bronson, M. B. (1995). The right stuff for children birth to 8: Selecting play materials to support development. Washington, DC: National Association for the Education of Young Children.

Goswami, U. (Ed.) (2004). Blackwell handbook of childhood cognitive development. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, Inc.

Linder, T. W. (1990). Transdisciplinary play-based assessment: A functional approach to working with young children. Baltimore, MD: Brookes Publishing Co.

Malone, D. M., & Stoneman, Z. (1995). Methodological issues in studying the toy play of young children with mental retardation. Topics in Early Childhood Special Education, 15, 459-487.

National Research Council and Institute of Medicine (2000). From neurons to neighborhoods: The science of early childhood development (pp. 165-169). Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

Rubin, K. H., & Howe, N. (1985). Toys and play behavior: An overview. Topics in Early Childhood Special Education, 5, 1-10.

Sherratt, H. D., & Peter, M. (2002). Developing play and drama in children with autistic spectrum disorders. London: David Fulton Publishers.

Desired Result 2 — Indicator: Math (MATH)

Children demonstrate competence in real-life mathematical concepts

Young children’s mathematical knowledge includes a wide range of skills and concepts about number, space/geometry, and logical relationships, as well as beginning ideas about measurement, patterns, and time. This developing knowledge is based primarily on children’s manipulating of and thinking about concrete objects. Concrete ideas about such concepts as number and shape develop through the everyday experiences children have with objects. Young children also acquire conventional math-related knowledge through their everyday interactions with adults and peers. This knowledge includes mathematical language, such as number words and comparison terms (“more,” “less,” and “same,” for example) that are then incorporated into their developing understanding of concepts.

Mathematical knowledge begins to develop in infancy and undergoes extensive development throughout infancy and early childhood. Infants are sensitive to quantitative (size and amounts) and spatial (location of objects in space) information in their environments. They attend to and manipulate objects. As they explore and act on their environment, they develop a conceptual understanding of physical objects and the relationships among them.

Toddlers’ growing understanding of number and of quantitative and spatial relationships is demonstrated by the way they manipulate objects in their everyday activities. For example, in their play they notice that adding objects to a group makes it bigger and taking objects away makes it smaller. They put objects together (on top of each other, for example, or one item inside another) in ways that show a growing attention to physical properties and relationships. In addition, they are beginning to acquire and use math-related language, such as number words and words that refer to measurable physical properties, such as size (“big” and “little,” for example).

These emerging concepts continue to develop during the preschool period. The numerical abilities of young preschoolers become more exact, at least when they are dealing with very small numbers. For example, they learn to identify, match, count, and even solve simple addition and subtraction problems with groups of up to three objects. They also begin to match and name simple, familiar geometric shapes. Still, much of the mathematical thinking of young preschoolers tends to be more qualitative than exactly quantitative, since it relies heavily on the overall appearance of things.

The mathematical thinking of older preschoolers becomes more quantitative and exact. Older preschoolers can learn to apply purposeful strategies to finding out about numbers and shapes and to solving problems. For example, they may use a calculation strategy, such as counting objects or fingers, to solve simple arithmetic problems. Or, they may use a simple measurement strategy, such as directly comparing height, in order to position several objects in a series, from shortest to tallest. Children’s knowledge of the concrete world continues to develop well beyond preschool and forms an important foundation for the symbolic knowledge of math that they will learn in school.

Measure 26 — MATH 1

Number Sense: Understands Quantity and Counting

Child uses number names to represent quantities and count increasingly larger sets of objects

Learning about numbers and how to use them in a meaningful way to quantify things is an important achievement of early childhood. For the young child, this involves learning the words for numbers (including the counting series), understanding that a number word refers to a particular quantity, and learning how to count objects to find out how many are in a group.

Infants begin to build a foundation for understanding concepts about objects and quantity as they attend to and manipulate objects in their everyday environment. Research has shown that infants can discriminate between very small numbers of objects (1 vs. 2 or 2 vs. 3) and can discriminate differences between larger groups (6 vs. 16). In their play, they organize objects into groups and manipulate amounts. For example, a child might place one plastic ring on top of another, then remove it and replace it with a different ring; or he might put toys in a container one by one, dump them out, and then do it again. In their social interactions, infants hear and begin to register the meaning of number words as they are used to refer to groups of things.

Even very young children appear to know that number words have special quantitative properties. Toddlers begin to use the number words they are learning to label quantities. The word “two” is usually used first, then “one” and “three,” although they are not always used accurately. Toddlers may even show some beginning notions of counting by randomly pointing at objects and saying the number words they know.

Young preschoolers can typically use the number words “one,” “two,” and “three” to identify very small quantities without counting them. The onset of rote counting varies greatly among children, depending on their experience. Most young preschoolers learn to recite the number series to ten and are beginning to try to count objects. When taught to coordinate their number words with their counting actions (one word, one object), young preschoolers are capable of learning to count objects accurately. Additionally, with instruction, they have the capacity to understand that the last number word in the count gives the total number in the counted group. Young preschoolers are first successful counting very small groups of objects (two or three). Since preschoolers are also able to quantify these very small groups without counting, early experiences with very small numbers can aid children’s understanding of counting. With experience, young preschoolers learn to count five or more objects accurately.

With support and experience, children’s skills and conceptual understanding of number and counting continue to develop. Older preschoolers learn to count larger groups, up to ten objects or more, and their counting becomes more purposeful and numerically meaningful. They are increasingly able to count accurately and reliably to find out how many; to count out objects to produce a given number; and to solve simple, everyday problems with numbers, for example, by counting the napkins at a snack table to make sure there are enough to go around. Toward the end of preschool or during kindergarten, young children begin to learn that written numerals represent the number of objects in a group.

References

Baroody, A. J., & Wilkins, J. L. M. (1999). The development of informal counting, number, and arithmetic skills and concepts. In J. V. Copley (Ed.), Mathematics in the early years (pp. 48-65). Reston, VA: National Council of Teachers of Mathematics.

Fuson, K. (1988). Children’s counting and concepts of number. New York: Springer-Verlag.

Fuson, K., Richards, J., & Briars, D. J. (1982). The acquisition and elaboration of the number word sequence. In C. Brainerd (Ed.), Progress in cognitive development: Children’s logical and mathematical cognition (Vol. 1, pp. 33-92). New York: Springer-Verlag.

Munn, P. (1998). Symbolic function in pre-schoolers. In C. Donlan (Ed.), The development of mathematical skills (pp. 47-71). Hove, East Sussex, UK: Psychology Press.

Starkey, P., & Cooper, R. G. Jr. (1980). Perception of numbers by human infants. Science, 210, 1033-1035.

Starkey, P., & Cooper, R.G. (1995). The development of subitizing in young children. British Journal of Developmental Psychology, 13, 399-420.

Wagner, S. H., & Walters, J. (1982). A longitudinal analysis of early number concepts: From numbers to number. In G. E. Forman (Ed.), Action and thought: From sensorimotor schemes to symbolic operations (pp. 137-161). New York: Academic Press.

Xu, F., & Spelke, E.S. (2000). Large number discrimination in 6-month-old infants. Cognition,74, B1–B11.

Measure 27 — MATH 2

Number Sense: Math Operations

Child shows increasing ability to add and subtract small quantities of objects

The ability to reason about arithmetic operations and to solve simple addition and subtraction problems with objects develops gradually during infancy and early childhood. Knowledge about adding and subtracting builds on the early experiences children have with manipulating groups of objects to change amounts and on their later interest in manipulating and thinking about number. Young children’s earliest notions of adding and subtracting tend to be inexact (adding makes more; subtracting makes less), except with very small numbers. Very young children can begin to calculate exact sums and differences with one, two, or three objects. As they gain experience and knowledge across the preschool years, children can learn to apply their number skills, including counting, to adding and subtracting larger numbers.

Young infants begin to construct ideas about objects and quantity as they attend to and interact with objects in their environment. In their play, older infants put objects together into groups and change the groups by adding and removing objects. For example, an infant might put several rings on a stacking cone and then remove and replace them, one at a time, over and over again. These early manipulating activities provide repeated experiences in seeing how amount and number are changed by additions and subtractions.

Toddlers are increasingly aware of and interested in number and amount. Quantity is an important feature of their world, and they actively and purposefully manipulate amounts of things. For example, a child might gather up as many train cars as he can hold in order to make a long train, or a child might ask for another cracker so she can have one for each hand. Toddlers understand addition and subtraction to the extent that they know that adding objects increases the number in a group and subtracting objects decreases the number. They add and take away objects to make more or fewer and may begin to talk about number and quantity. For example, a child might say, “All gone. I get more,” as she takes several more raisins from a serving bowl after eating those on her plate. Experiences manipulating very small numbers of objects (up to three) may be particularly important to children, since the process readily allows them to see how the number of objects has changed.

Young preschoolers are typically able to calculate simple additions and subtractions with two or three objects. They generally do this without counting. For example, if an adult shows the child two pennies in her hand, then covers the pennies and adds one more, most young preschoolers can say that she is now holding three pennies. Some young preschoolers begin to solve slightly larger number problems with four or more objects by counting, especially if they are encouraged to do so. Importantly, even when young children are able to count, they may not apply these skills spontaneously to solving problems.

Children’s arithmetic abilities undergo considerable development at around four or five years of age. Many older preschoolers are learning to solve larger addition and subtraction problems with five to ten objects, usually by counting. Even when they are not accurate, children’s solutions tend to be in the correct direction of the operation (adding results in a larger number; subtracting results in a smaller number). Accuracy is greatly improved when children learn to systematically count the objects to get the result. Older preschoolers may also begin to solve simple, everyday verbal problems involving imaginary objects, although these are more difficult than similar problems with real objects, particularly if they involve more than two or three elements. With experience, older preschoolers can readily solve problems in which only one object is added or subtracted. Adding or subtracting one is easier than the same operation with two or more, since it only requires going up one or going down one in the counting sequence. Accuracy on verbal problems improves, however, when older preschoolers can begin to use a strategy, such as representing the problem with fingers or objects and counting to get the solution. These abilities continue to develop in the early years of elementary school.

References

Baroody, A. J. (2004). The developmental bases for early childhood number and operations standards. In D. H. Clements, J. Sarama, & A. DiBiase (Eds.), Engaging young children in mathematics: Standards for early childhood mathematics education (pp. 173-219). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.

Brush, L. R. (1978). Preschool children’s knowledge of addition and subtraction. Journal of Research in Mathematics Education, 9, 44-54.

Cooper, R. G. (1984). Early number development: Discovering number space with addition and subtraction. In C. Sophian (Ed.), Origins of cognitive skills (pp. 157-192). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

Hughes, M. (1986). Children and number: Difficulties in learning mathematics. New York: Basil Blackwell.

Huttenlocher, J., Jordan, N. C., & Levine, S. C. (1994). A mental model for early arithmetic. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 123, 284-296.

Langer, J., Rivera, S., Schlesinger, M., & Wakeley, A. (2003). Early cognitive development: Ontogeny and phylogeny. In K. Connolly & J. Valsiner (Eds.), Handbook of developmental psychology (pp. 141-171). London: Sage.

Siegler, R. S., & Robinson, M. (1982). The development of numerical understandings. In H. W. Reese & L. P. Lipsitt (Eds.), Advances in child development and behavior (Vol. 16, pp. 241-321). New York: Academic Press.

Sophian, C. (1996). Children’s numbers. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Sophian, C., & Adams, N. (1987). Infants’ understanding of numerical transformations. British Journal of Developmental Psychology, 5, 257-264.

Starkey, P. (1992). The early development of numerical reasoning. Cognition, 43, 93-126.

Measure 28 — MATH 3

Number Sense: Comparison of Quantity

Child compares and orders simple quantities

Another dimension of young children’s developing number sense is the ability to compare quantities and determine the order of the relationships (for example, if they are equal, more than, or less than). This ability is highly interrelated with the developing knowledge children have about counting and their understanding of addition and subtraction operations. Children are first able to compare and order amounts of things that are obviously the same or different. Even very young children can determine whether two groups of objects are equal or unequal in number and which group has more, as long as the number of objects in the groups are very small (two versus three) or are very different (four versus eight). During the preschool period, children begin to use strategies, like matching or one-to-one correspondence and counting, to compare and order quantities whose relationship cannot be determined by physical appearance. They also learn and begin to use relational terms, such as “same number,” “more than,” and “less” or “fewer than.”

Infants begin to learn about quantity as they interact with objects, attending to objects in their environment and manipulating objects in their play. They put objects together into groups and change the groups to make them larger or smaller. They also notice larger versus smaller amounts; for example, a child who loves grapes might be excited to see that he has a large bunch of grapes in his snack bowl.

Toddlers construct matching sets by putting things together in one-to-one correspondence. For example, they might give each friend a cup or put one block in each cup of a muffin tin. They pair objects based on similarity, function, or some other association, but not with the specific aim of comparing number. Older toddlers can, however, determine which of two groups of objects has more, as long as the groups look very different in number. They may do this non-verbally, for example by picking the container with many markers over the one with few. Toddlers also begin to use words that describe dimensions of quantity, such as “a lot” and “many” to refer to large collections. Older toddlers begin to understand and more frequently use relational terms, by saying, for example, “I have more.”

Although their ability to compare and order quantities still depends very much on whether groups appear equal or different in number, young preschoolers begin to develop a more quantitative understanding of number relationships and order. They can perceive small differences when comparing groups of one to four objects and can identify which of two small groups has more, when those groups differ by only one. They generally do this without counting. Young preschoolers also begin to use one-to-one correspondence/matching to compare the numbers of objects in two groups. They may do this in everyday situations, like setting the table, by saying, “We have four plates, but only three spoons,” for example. Additionally, preschoolers begin to use number words when they are comparing quantities, noticing, for example, that “You have three and I have three. We have the same.”

Older preschoolers learn and use relational terms such as “same number,” “more than,” and “less” or “fewer than” to compare and order quantities. They also increasingly use number words to compare quantities. They may still use one-to-one correspondence, but they also begin to use counting to compare groups, counting one group of objects and then the other to determine if each group has the same number or which has more or fewer. When older preschoolers count to compare, their efforts are usually not as reliable at first as their use of direct correspondence. Preschoolers may make mistakes when they count, and many are still misled by perceptual cues, for example, thinking that a longer row of objects has more than a shorter row. Therefore, they may not trust their counting, even when it is accurate, if groups look physically different. As their counting becomes more accurate, children are more likely to use it as a reliable strategy to compare numbers. Eventually, as their knowledge of number relationships develops, children become able to compare and order numbers in the counting sequence. For example, if told that Matt’s birthday is in five days and Juana’s birthday is in four days, the child knows that Juana’s birthday is sooner.

References

Baroody, A. J. (2004). The developmental bases for early childhood number and operations standards. In D. H. Clements, J. Sarama, & A. DiBiase (Eds.), Engaging young children in mathematics: Standards for early childhood mathematics education (pp. 173-219). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.

Becker, J. (1989). Preschoolers’ use of number words to denote one-to-one correspondence. Child Development, 60, 1147-1157.

Cooper, R. G. (1984). Early number development: Discovering number space with addition and subtraction. In C. Sophian (Ed.), Origins of cognitive skills (pp. 157-192). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

Mix, K. (2002). The construction of number concepts. Cognitive Development, 17, 1345-1363.

Langer, J., Rivera, S., Schlesinger, M., & Wakeley, A. (2003). Early cognitive development: Ontogeny and phylogeny. In K. Connolly & J. Valsiner (Eds.), Handbook of developmental psychology (pp. 141-171). London: Sage.

Saxe, G. B. (1977). A developmental analysis of notational counting. Child Development, 48, 1512-1520.

Sophian, C., Harley, H., Manos Martin, C. S. (1995). Relational and representational aspects of early number development. Cognition and Instruction, 13(2), 253-268.

Wagner, S. H., & Walters, J. (1982). A longitudinal analysis of early number concepts: From numbers to number. In G. E. Forman (Ed.), Action and thought: From sensorimotor schemes to symbolic operations (pp. 137-161). New York: Academic Press.

Measure 29 — MATH 4

Shapes

Child shows increasing knowledge of shapes and their characteristics

Knowledge of shapes and their characteristics is an important component of young children’s developing concepts about geometry and spatial/geometric relationships. Learning about shapes involves much more than learning the names of common geometric shapes. It also incorporates learning about the characteristics and properties of shapes (their sides, angles and corners, etc.), as well as developing ideas about how shapes fit together and what happens to a shape when it undergoes a spatial transformation (when it is turned or flipped, for example).

As soon as infants can grasp objects, they manipulate them and explore their properties. As infants and toddlers play with objects, they begin to learn about basic physical properties, such as size and form or shape (for example, open or closed forms and straight or curved edges). Older infants and toddlers begin to manipulate objects in ways that are consistent with their overall properties, for example, by putting smaller things inside larger things. With experience, they also begin to put objects together in ways that are consistent with their shapes. For example, they might fit shapes into a shape sorter (such as a square block into a square hole), though they may need to try more than one opening to find the correct one.

Before they know the names of geometric shapes (circle, square, etc.), young preschoolers demonstrate a growing awareness of similarities and differences among shapes in their play. They are increasingly able to match identical shapes and fit shapes together without trying solutions that clearly won’t work (as in working simple puzzles). They may even learn to recognize and name some common geometric shapes. However, they tend to recognize a shape as an unanalyzed whole, based on its overall similarity to a familiar prototype, rather than on the shape’s defining characteristics. For example, they may only recognize a triangle as a triangle if it has three equal sides. Or, a child might easily recognize a square that is in the conventional orientation, but call it a diamond when it is turned.

Older preschoolers usually learn to identify several common shapes, including circles, squares, and triangles; and some can name other shapes, such as rectangles. They also begin to construct ideas about shapes based on simple properties, such as the number of sides, rather than on rigid prototypes. They are increasingly able to recognize shapes in different contexts and orientations. In their play with shapes (working puzzles, constructing, and drawing), they put shapes together, take them apart, flip them, and turn them with increased purpose and precision. Given opportunities to engage in activities that support this knowledge, older preschoolers also begin to analyze the properties of shapes and describe and compare shapes based on their defining characteristics, such as number and relative length of sides, and number and size of angles/corners.

References

Clements, D. H. (2004). Geometric and spatial thinking in early childhood education. In D. H. Clements, J. Sarama, & A. DiBiase (Eds.), Engaging young children in mathematics: Standards for early childhood mathematics education (pp. 267-297). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.

Clements, D. H., & Battista, M. T. (1992). Geometry and spatial reasoning. In D. A. Grouws (Ed.), Handbook of research on mathematics teaching and learning (pp. 429-464). New York: Macmillan.

Clements, D. H., Swaminathan, S., Hannibal, M. A. Z., & Sarama, J. (1999). Young children’s concepts of shape. Journal of Research in Mathematics Education, 30 (2), 192-212.

Fuson, K., & Murray, C. (1978). The haptic-visual perception, construction, and drawing of geometric shapes by children aged two to five: A Piagetian extension. In R. Lesh & D. Mierkiewicz (Eds.), Recent research concerning the development of spatial and geometric concepts (pp. 49-83). Columbus, OH: ERIC/SMEAC.

Starkey, P., Klein, A., & Wakeley, A. (2004). Enhancing young children’s mathematical knowledge through a pre-kindergarten mathematics intervention. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 19, 99-120.

Van Hiele, P. M. (1986). Structure and insight: A theory of mathematics education. Orlando, FL: Academic Press.

Measure 30 — MATH 5

Time

Child shows understanding of the time sequence of routines and events and uses time-related vocabulary

The concept of time is abstract for young children, and the use of devices like clocks and calendars to measure time is difficult. Children begin to develop an understanding of time subjectively in relation to their own activities. Even very young infants respond to the timing of events in their immediate environments. As they grow and develop, children are increasingly able to represent and act out time sequences of familiar events, such as the steps in an everyday routine. They begin to place familiar events in time by the general time of day (morning or night) or in relation to some routine event; and they are aware of the passage of time, such as the duration of familiar events or the time in between events. They also begin to understand and use vocabulary related to time (such as “before,” “after,” “yesterday,” “today,” and “tomorrow”) and the conventions used to mark time (such as the days of the week and hours of the day).

For the very young infant, time exists only in the immediate present. Newborns follow their internal temporal rhythms of sleep-wake and hunger cycles. Young infants respond to events as they happen in the moment, and their responses show a growing sensitivity to the timing of immediate events. For example, they pre-form their hands in anticipation of grasping a toy, and they will look to a particular spot in anticipation of seeing a person or object reappear. As they develop and experience care-giving routines, infants begin to take part in the sequence of actions in familiar events, for example, by extending their arms toward their caregiver in anticipation of being picked up.

Toddlers demonstrate that they are aware of how familiar events, such as steps in a daily routine, are related in time primarily through their actions. A toddler might show that he anticipates the next step in his lunch routine by trying to climb into his highchair when he notices that food is being prepared. Older toddlers can carry out multiple steps related to a familiar routine, such as snack or lunch time. Furthermore, they begin to differentiate between the morning, midday, and evening meals by when those events occur in the course of the day, and they know the routines associated with different mealtimes. Older toddlers also begin to understand and use time-related vocabulary, such as “again,” “now,” “later,” “night,” and “day.” For example, a child who wants to play outside now can understand that she will be able to play outside later.

Young preschoolers’ knowledge of how steps in familiar routines are ordered in time is usually very accurate. They demonstrate, through their language and actions, that they understand the before-and-after relation between steps in familiar situations. They are able to carry out ordered steps in complex, extended daily routines; and they can act out familiar sequences of events in their play, such as pretending to prepare and serve a meal. Additionally, they are increasingly able to relate the parts of a familiar or routine event in order, such as describing a typical trip to the grocery store. In relating events, they begin to use temporal connectives like “first,” “then,” “before,” and “after” to clarify sequences. Preschool children also begin to be able to place events in time in relation to more extended timeframes. They tell about things that happened in the past and about things they might do in the future, using words like “yesterday” and “tomorrow.” However, they may not always be precisely accurate. A child might say “yesterday” to refer to any time in the recent past.

Across the preschool years, children’s knowledge and abilities related to time expand in scope and become more precise. Older preschoolers are capable of thinking about and describing larger scale time sequences. For example, a child might give a detailed, sequenced account of a recent special experience, such as a family fishing trip or a plane trip to Mexico. Additionally, older preschoolers can put pictures in order to represent familiar sequences, such as the order of events in his typical day. Preschoolers also begin to understand and use time-related conventions, including months, days of the week, and hours of the day. They talk about when routine events happen—“I go to bed at eight o’clock, after I brush my teeth”—and when upcoming special events will take place– “My birthday is on Saturday!”

References

Greenes, C. (1999). Ready to learn: Developing young children’s mathematical powers. In J. V. Copley (Ed.), Mathematics in the early years (pp. 39-47). Reston, VA: National Council of Teachers of Mathematics.

Friedman, W. J. (1992). The development of children’s representations of temporal structure. In F. Macar, V. Pouthas, & W. J. Friedman (Eds.), Time, action, and cognition: Towards bridging the gap (pp. 67 -75). Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Kulwer Academic Publishers.

Friedman, W. J. (1990). Children’s representations of the pattern of daily activities. Child Development, 61, 1399-1412.

Lewkowicz, D. J. (1989). The role of temporal factors in infant behavior and development. In I. Levin, & D. Zakay (Eds.), Time and human cognition: A life-span perspective (pp. 9-62). Amsterdam: Elsevier.

Scott, C. (1997, March). The acquisition of some conversational time concepts by pre-school children. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Education Research Association, Chicago, IL.

Measure 31 — MATH 6

Classification and Matching

Child shows increasing ability to compare, match, and sort objects into groups according to some common attribute

The ability to classify is a basic component of children’s developing concepts about physical and logical relationships. It is thought to be an important foundation for mathematics, particularly algebra. Preschool children demonstrate a developing understanding of classification by sorting and categorizing things into groups (or “classes”) based on some common property. The development of classification depends on being aware of the identity, similarities, and differences among the attributes of things, and then forming ideas about categories and class membership based on some common attribute. Across infancy and early childhood, children’s early ideas about the appearance and function of things they experience (what things are alike and what things are not alike) develop into the beginnings of logical classification.

From birth, infants attend and react to the people, objects, and events in their environment. They very quickly learn the sounds, sights, smells, and sensations of their immediate caretaking environment; and they relate differently to people, things, and events that are familiar versus the unfamiliar. They form associations between what something looks like and what it does based on their experiences, and they begin to form simple categories of things that look and/or behave in a particular way, such as “things that move when you bat at them.”

Toddlers demonstrate a growing awareness of the ways in which things, people, or events share common features or functions and, thus, belong together in some way. In their actions, toddlers begin to organize things in the environment according to recognized attributes. For example, they might put all toy animals in one corner of a toy shelf. They form simple sets of things by putting similar or identical things together (matching). For example, in playing with Duplo™ blocks, a child might put two red blocks together then put two blue blocks together.

The sorting behaviors of young preschoolers show a beginning understanding of the concept of class. They organize objects into groups by separating particular objects from a larger collection because they share a common attribute—for example, selecting out the horses from a collection of toy animals. However, the groups they form are not true classes, as they may not be clearly defined by what is included and what is excluded. Their sorting may be incomplete so that the group they produce does not include all the horses from the collection. Furthermore, they may change the basis on which they select objects. For example, after selecting out most of the horses, a child might add various other farm animals to the group.

The groups that older preschoolers produce when they sort a collection of objects demonstrate the beginnings of true classification. Typically, they can sort a collection of objects into two or more groups based on one attribute, such as shape, color, or function, using a consistent rule. A child might sort a collection of toy vehicles to form two groups: vehicles that are cars and vehicles that are not cars. With experience and development, children become increasingly flexible in their sorting behaviors, and they become able to sort a collection of objects in more ways than one. A child might sort a collection of objects by size and then re-sort the same collection by color or some other attribute. Eventually, children are able to sort collections of objects by more that one attribute at a time (sorting circles by color and size, for example). The sorting abilities of young children and their knowledge about classes continue to develop in early elementary school.

References

Freund, L. S., Baker, L., & Sonnenschein, S. (1990). Developmental changes in strategic approaches to classification. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 49, 342-362.

Langer, J., Rivera, S., Schlesinger, M., & Wakeley, A. (2003). Early cognitive development: Ontogeny and phylogeny. In K. Connolly & J. Valsiner (Eds.), Handbook of developmental psychology (pp. 141-171). London: Sage.

Ginsburg, H. P., & Opper, S. (1988). Piaget’s theory of intellectual development. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.

Inhelder, B., & Piaget, J. (1969). The early growth of logic in the child. New York: W.W. Norton & Company.

Measure 32 — Math 7

Measurement

Child shows increasing understanding of measurable properties such as length, weight, and volume and how to quantify those properties

Formal measurement involves repeatedly applying a unit (such as an inch or pound) to a continuous quantity and assigning a number (such as three inches; ten pounds) to that quantity. Preschool children have not developed the requisite knowledge and skills to quantify and measure such properties as length or weight accurately by formal measurement. However, they know a great deal about measurable properties such as size, length, weight, and capacity; and they develop an informal/intuitive understanding of measurement that involves evaluating and comparing things based on these properties. From a very early age, young children notice and explore the measurable properties of objects and compare them. Their initial, informal efforts to measure are primarily perceptual—that is, they compare and make judgments about relative properties based on how things look. Older preschoolers begin to develop strategies for comparing and measuring things that are appropriate to the properties being compared. This is a critical stepping stone to accurate measurement.

Infants are sensitive to the dimensional properties of things they see, hear, or feel, including features such as size (of objects, for example) and intensity (of sound or light especially). They react to novelty in size with increased attention, by staring intently at a balloon that is being inflated, for example. Older infants explore and learn about such properties as size, weight, and capacity in their play with objects. They react to and interact with objects differently on the basis of size or amount.

Toddlers begin to understand and use words that refer to measurable properties of things, such as “big,” “little,” “loud,” and “heavy.” They use these terms categorically to name single things, for example, “big dog,” or “little boy.” They also begin to understand and use terms like “big” and “little” in simple comparisons. For example, a child might correctly indicate that a doll’s shoe is little and his shoe is big.

Young preschoolers commonly evaluate and compare objects and people (including themselves) to find out how big, tall, deep, or heavy things are. For example, children make simple size comparisons to find the right block to complete a structure or to find a dress to fit the smallest doll. Or a child might explore the property of weight by dumping water from a bucket until it is light enough to carry, or investigate depth by digging a deeper and deeper hole. Young preschoolers also understand and begin to use simple words that specifically refer to the relative size, length, or weight of objects, such as “bigger,” “smaller,” “longer,” or “taller.” Still, the measurement comparisons of young preschool children are based primarily on direct perceptual information, particularly on how things look.

Older preschoolers begin to move beyond using primarily perceptual/visual measurement to using strategies that enable them to compare two things (by length, weight, capacity, or some other measurable dimension) that are not obviously different. One such strategy is direct comparison. For example, the weight of two objects can be directly compared by holding one in each hand and testing their weight or by using a balance scale. The length of two objects that are very close in size can be compared by placing them side-by-side so that the objects are aligned at one end. Knowing to line up the two ends before comparing the objects’ lengths is critical to this strategy. Once this strategy is learned, young children can compare and order two, and even three, objects by length or height. Young children may also try using standard tools (rulers, scales, measuring cups) or non-standard tools (blocks, pieces of string) to measure things. This may involve using a non-standard unit, such as hands or paper clips, to determine how many hands- or how many paper clips-long something is. Some older preschoolers may also learn how to use an intermediary unit (such as a piece of ribbon or string) to compare two things, for example, by using a rope to compare the length of two sides of the sandbox.

References

Boulton-Lewis, G., Wilss, L. A., & Mutch, S. L. (1996). An analysis of young children’s strategies and use of devices of length measurement. Journal of Mathematical Behavior, 15, 329-347.

Clements, D. H., & Stephen, M. (2004). Measurement in pre-K to grade 2 mathematics. In D. H. Clements, J. Sarama, & A. DiBiase (Eds.), Engaging young children in mathematics: Standards for early childhood mathematics education (pp. 299-317). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.

Miller, K. (1984). The child as measurer of all things: Measurement procedures and the development of quantitative concepts. In C. Sophian (Ed.), Origins of cognitive skills (pp. 193-228). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

Klein, A., Starkey, P., & Ramirez, A. (2002). Pre-K mathematics curriculum. Glendale, IL: Scott Forsman.

Sera, M., & Smith, L. B. (1987). Big and little: “Nominal” and relative uses. Cognitive Development, 2, 89-111.

Measure 33 — MATH 8

Patterning

Child shows increasing ability to recognize, reproduce, and create patterns of varying complexity

Young children experience a variety of patterns in their everyday lives. Patterns, such as the sequence of steps in an everyday routine or patterns in songs and stories, provide regularity and predictability that help children make sense of information and remember sequences of actions, words, and events. Learning about patterns and learning to recognize and analyze the serial regularity in repeating patterns, such as the simple repeating sequence ABAB, is thought to be important to fostering young children’s logical reasoning skills and to preparing children for later work with algebra and probability.

Infants and toddlers are sensitive to regularity and repetition in their environment. They react to the simple patterns that occur in their interactions, such as the repetitive hide-and-appear in a game of peek-a-boo. They quickly attune themselves to the repetitive sequences in these interactive games and happily engage in them over and over again. Simple patterns in stories, songs, and actions help older infants and toddlers remember sequences and anticipate what comes next. For example, they may begin to sing along to the parts of a repetitive song like “Old MacDonald” or participate in simple action patterns with adult support, such as performing some of the actions to “Head, Shoulders, Knees and Toes.”

If children have opportunities to engage in a variety of activities—action, language, and construction—that involve patterns, they can begin to learn to recognize simple, repeating patterns and can begin to reproduce patterns that they hear or see. Young preschoolers actively engage in patterned movements to music, in patterned clapping games, and in repeated patterns of words in songs and stories. They also attend to visual patterns. With adult support, they may learn to recognize and talk about simple visual patterns, such as the yellow and black pattern in a picture of a bumblebee. They may also attempt to copy simple repeating patterns from a model or create a pattern of their own. For example, a child might make a paper chain with alternating colors by copying one the teacher has already constructed, though he may need adult support to finish it. Preschool children often find it difficult to keep the pattern rule in mind and tend to make errors in the pattern as they add elements.

Children can reliably reproduce, create, or extend simple, repeating patterns if they are able to identify the initial sequence of elements, recognize when it begins to repeat itself, and make predictions about what comes next. Older preschoolers become better able to understand the relationships among elements in a pattern. They can more reliably copy a simple pattern from a model or create their own simple patterns. Children are first successful copying a pattern from a model that is made with the same materials they are using. Once children have mastered the notion of what constitutes a pattern, they can create and copy a particular pattern (such as ABAB) with a variety of objects. For example, a child might use pink and green buttons to copy an alternating color pattern made with yellow and blue blocks. The ability of children to recognize, analyze, and create patterns eventually extends to creating more complex patterns, including patterns with multiple repeating elements, such as ABBCABBC. However, older preschoolers may still have difficulty sustaining the regularity of a pattern rule when they create and extend patterns.

References

Ginsburg, H. P., Cannon, J., Eisenband, J., & Pappas, S. (2006). Mathematical thinking and learning. In K. McCartney & D. Phillips (Eds.), Blackwell handbook of early childhood development (pp. 208-229). Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing.

Klein, A., and Starkey, P. (2004). Fostering preschool children’s mathematical knowledge: Findings from the Berkeley Math Readiness Project. In D. H. Clements, J. Sarama, & A. DiBiase (Eds.), Engaging young children in mathematics: Standards for early childhood mathematics education (pp. 343-360). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.

Klein, A., Starkey, P., & Ramirez, A. (2002). Pre-K mathematics curriculum. Glendale, IL: Scott Forsman.

National Council Teachers of Mathematics (2000). Principles and standards for school mathematics. Reston, VA: NCTM.

Pieraut-Le Bonniec, G. (1982). From rhythm to reversibility. In G. E. Forman (Ed.), Action and thought: From sensorimotor schemes to symbolic operations (pp. 253-263). London: Academic Press.

Starkey, P., Klein, A., & Wakeley, A. (2004). Enhancing young children’s mathematical knowledge through a pre-kindergarten mathematics intervention. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 19, 99-120.

Desired Result 2 — Indicator: Literacy (LIT)

Children demonstrate emerging literacy skills

Literacy is a complex activity that builds upon early language, print, and phonological skills that are interrelated and that mutually influence one another. Learning about literacy begins at birth, with the development of intentional and goal-directed behaviors that lead ultimately to intentional and symbolic communication.

With symbolic communication, children are able to use such symbols as words, signs, and marks on paper to communicate meanings. Over time, children become increasingly skilled at using symbols, and they go on to develop early print knowledge, phonological awareness, and language skills that form the foundation of reading and writing.

From the first year of life, children engage in a variety of print-related activities. Infants explore books and enjoy listening to adults read and tell stories. Young children begin to ask questions and make comments about pictures, and they learn how to hold books upright and turn the pages. They also like to make marks on paper and attribute meaning to the marks. Preschoolers are interested in printed letters, sounds, and words; and they know that it is print that tells the story, not the pictures. They know many letters by name and sound and can recognize their names and other familiar words. They pretend to write using scribbles and letter-like marks. Gradually they learn to write letters and their own name, along with other familiar words.

Young children enjoy participating in songs, finger plays, and rhymes. Gradually they show interest not only in the meaning of words, but also in how words sound. They become able to recognize and identify words that rhyme and words that start with the same sound. They play games with words and can blend and segment parts of words (syllables and phonemes).

As children develop vocabulary and narrative skills, they also progress in their ability to comprehend text and retell stories. Toddlers make simple comments and ask questions about stories that are being read to them. Preschoolers retell a few events about the story. Older preschoolers can retell the main events of the story in the correct order and predict story events in familiar stories.

Young children learn best about literacy through everyday activities during which caregivers support their literacy by providing print-rich environments, encouraging children to actively explore materials, modeling literacy behaviors, providing meaning to activities, and offering directions for tasks or adaptations for materials to make them appropriate for the child’s interests and developmental level.

Measure 34 — LIT1

Interest in Literacy

Child shows interest in books, songs, rhymes, stories, writing, and other literacy activities and seeks information in written text

From birth, children develop interest in literacy through rich conversations and experiences in the context of meaningful and responsive interactions with adults. Activities such as reading picture books, scribbling, listening to stories, and singing songs and rhymes help children develop an interest in literacy. Children are also encouraged toward literacy when they see adults reading and writing both for pleasure and for various practical purposes. Through these early experiences, children begin to learn about the activities of reading and writing.

Very young infants quiet to the sound of an adult voice reading or singing. Infants look at books held in their visual field, particularly books with large, bright pictures and photos of babies, familiar people, and familiar objects. Older infants play with and explore books, mostly by chewing, shaking, or banging them. Gradually they become able to attend briefly to an adult reading a book or singing a song or rhyme. At this young age, children participate in reading books by looking at the pictures and touching the book, patting the pages and sometimes trying to turn them. They participate in songs and music by moving and vocalizing.

Toddlers participate in book reading, simple songs, rhymes, and finger plays that are initiated by adults. They listen to short stories and can participate by pointing to pictures in the story. For example, a child might point to a favorite character or object when it is named or in response to an adult prompt, such as “Where’s the bunny?” Eventually toddlers actively initiate requests for literacy activities and will often ask adults to read the same story over and over again. Many toddlers can fill in words and short phrases in familiar stories. They may make comments and respond to simple questions about individual pictures.

Young preschoolers show interest in a range of reading and writing activities and materials (such as books, music, signs, lists, posters, billboards, magazines, junk mail, labels, drawings, maps, charts, and electronic screens). They have favorite literacy activities, stories, and characters, and they know whole rhymes and familiar songs. Preschoolers are interested in imaginative stories, such as folk tales. They also enjoy stories about familiar things or events, such as school and making friends, and books about things that especially interest them, like animals or trucks. They actively engage in reading activities by responding to or asking simple questions about a book’s story or illustrations and by pretending to read to a friend, for example, or to a stuffed toy.

Older preschoolers voluntarily engage in literacy activities on a regular basis and for a variety of reasons. They listen attentively while they are being read to. They pay attention to details in a story, make comments or ask questions about specific events and characters, and relate them to their personal experience. They use books and other written materials as sources of information, by seeking out books that relate to a favorite topic or a classroom activity, for example. Older preschoolers also initiate writing for a specific purpose, such as making a grocery list or writing their own name on a drawing. As their interest in reading and writing develops, they want to know what particular words say, and they may ask an adult to read a word to them or write out a particular word. Some children also begin to be interested in specific aspects of printed words. For example, a child may look for and point out words that begin with the first letter of her name.

References

Bardige, B., & Segal, M. (2005). Building literacy with love: A guide for teachers and caregivers of children birth through age 5. Washington, DC: ZERO TO THREE Press.

Committee on the Prevention of Reading Difficulties in Young Children, National Research Council. (1999). Starting out right: A guide to promoting children’s reading success. Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

Knapp-Philo, J., Notari-Syverson, A., & Stice, K. (2005). Tools of literacy for infants and toddlers. In E. Horn & H. Jones (Eds.), Young Exceptional Children Monograph Series No. 7: Supporting early literacy development in young children, 43-58.

Morrow, L.M., & Rand, M. (1991). Promoting literacy during play by designing early childhood classroom environments. The Reading Teacher, 44, 396-402.

Rosenkoetter, S. E, & Barton, L. (2004). Bridges to literacy: Early routines that promote later school success. Zero to Three, 22(4), 33-38.

Roskos, K.A., & Christie,J.F. (Eds) (2007). Play and literacy in early childhood: Research from multiple perspectives (2nd ed.). New York: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

Measure 35 — LIT 2

Concepts of Print

Child shows increasing understanding of the conventions and physical organization of printed material and that print carries meaning

Young children see many forms of print in their environment: in books and magazines and on clothing, food products, signs, and billboards. Early on, children learn that written words and graphics convey meaning and that they are used for many purposes. Young children’s concepts of print include their developing understanding of the diverse forms and functions of print and written language. During the preschool years, children increase their understanding of the functions and importance of print in daily life. They learn about conventions, the specific rules that govern print. For example, they learn that reading and writing in English and Spanish proceed on the page from left to right and from top to bottom. They also learn about the different forms in print—that words are different from pictures, for example; that words are made up of letters; and that letters are different from numbers.

Infants are interested in books just as they are interested in other brightly colored objects. They explore books with their mouths, bang them, drop them, pat the pictures, and explore textures in tactile books. Toddlers are learning how to hold a book right-side up and turn pages from front to back. They are interested in pictures and may recognize familiar books by their covers.

Young preschoolers show interest in print that appears in a variety of places, such as on signs and in books, magazines, notes, and lists. They recognize familiar signs (such as stop signs), product labels, and logos, as well as familiar words, such as names on cubbies. They hold books appropriately, pretend to read using a “reading voice,” and reproduce, verbatim, words and phrases from familiar books. Preschoolers understand that it is print, not pictures, that tells the story. They ask adults to read words to them and to tell them names of letters.

Older preschoolers can identify some letter names, especially the letters in their own name. They understand the concepts of letter, sound, and word, and they talk about their meaning and characteristics (a child might say, “Ball and baby are ‘b’ words,” for example). They are familiar with different print genres (such as recipes, menus, lists, labels, fiction and nonfiction books, and newspapers) and know that print is used for various purposes. They use vocabulary that relates to print and its functions and may be heard to say, “I can read,” or “I am writing a letter.”

References

Clay, M. (1966). Emergent reading behavior. Auckland, New Zealand: University of Auckland Library.

DeLoache, J. S., Pierroutsakos, S. L., Utall, D. H, Rosengren, K., & Gottlieb, A (1998). Grasping the nature of pictures. Psychological Science, 9, 205-210.

Dickinson, D.K., & Neuman, S.B. (Eds.) (2006). Handbook of early literacy research. Vol.2. New York: Guilford Press.

Ezell, H., & Justice, L. (2005). Shared storybook reading: Building young children’s language and emergent literacy skills. Baltimore, MD: Brookes Publishing.

Goodman, Y. (1984). The development of initial literacy. In H. Goelman, A. Oberg, & F. Smith (Eds.), Awakening to literacy. Exeter, NH: Heinemann.

Mason, J. (1980). When do children begin to read? An exploration of four-year-old children’s letter and word reading competencies. Reading Research Quarterly, 15, 203-227.

Roskos, K.A., & Christie,J.F. (Eds) (2007). Play and literacy in early childhood: Research from multiple perspectives (2nd ed.). New York: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

Snow, C. (2006). What counts as literacy in early childhood? In K. McCartney & D. Phillips (Eds.), Blackwell handbook of early childhood development (pp. 274-294). Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing.

Van Kleeck, A. (1990). Learning about print before learning to read. Topics in Language Disorders, 10(2), 24-45.

Measure 36 — LIT 3

Letter and Word Knowledge

Child shows increasing awareness of symbols, letters, and words in the environment, and their relationship to sound

The development of symbolic representation, or the capacity to use symbols—such as words, objects, and drawings to represent people, objects, actions, and ideas—is a major achievement for young children. (A symbol is an object, word, gesture, sound, or image that stands for or represents something else.) Over time, children are able to use different forms of symbols and to combine them in various ways to represent sequences of ideas and activities. The acquisition of symbolic representation leads the way to rule-governed communication systems based on verbal, gestural, and graphic modalities, such as spoken English, American Sign Language (ASL), and written text. During the preschool years, children make important progress in understanding the alphabetic principle (the idea that words are written with letters and that letters have sounds). This understanding is key to reading and writing in alphabetic languages, such as English and Spanish. Preschoolers learn that print has meaning, written words represent spoken words, and letters represent sounds.

Infants first react to movement, patterns, gestures, and facial expressions by directing their attention to the event. They eventually become capable of joint attention, the act of focusing on the same thing as an adult by following an adult’s gaze and gesture to look at a specific person, object, or picture.

Toddlers begin to understand that objects can represent real things. They use miniature objects symbolically in their play by pretending to feed a doll with a toy bottle, for example, or talking to their grandmother on a toy telephone. Toddlers also begin to understand that pictures represent people and things. They show interest in and make comments about pictures in books. They read books by following the pictures, they remember stories, and they notice when an adult skips part of the text when reading a familiar story.

Young preschoolers recognize symbols in the environment, such as numerals, letters, and frequently-seen logos. They know the difference between pictures, words, letters, and numerals; and they understand that the print on signs gives information. They know and can identify some letters, including the letters in their name, alphabet books, and environmental print and letters on blocks, magnets, and stamps. They associate some letters with specific words (“‘M’ for Mommy,” for example). Preschoolers learn to recognize their own name and other familiar words in print, such as the names of friends.

Older preschoolers recognize a written word as a unit of print. They know that letters are grouped to form words and that words are separated by spaces. They recognize several letters by sight and name and begin to identify specific letters as they appear in written words. They are learning the connection between letter names and letter sounds (the alphabetic principle). At this age, they will eventually learn the names of most letters in the alphabet and will be able to say what sound many of the letters make. Many older preschoolers are beginning to recognize familiar words. Some may even attempt to write words by sounding out individual sounds and matching them with letters.

References

Adams, M. J. (1990). Beginning to read: Thinking and learning about print. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

DeLoache, J. S. (1996). Shrinking trolls and expanding minds: How very young children learn to understand and use symbols. Zero to Three, 17, 10-16.

Dickinson, D.K., & Neuman, S.B. (Eds.) (2006). Handbook of early literacy research. Vol.2. New York: Guilford Press.

Ehri, L., & Roberts, T. (2006). The roots of learning to read and write: Acquisition of letters and phonemic awareness. In D. Dickinson & S. Neuman (Eds.), Handbook of Early Literacy Research Vol.2 (pp. 113-131). New York: The Guilford Press.

Meier, D. (2004). The young child’s memory for words: Developing first and second language and literacy. New York: Teachers College Press.

Snow, C. (2006). What counts as literacy in early childhood? In K. McCartney & D. Phillips (Eds.), Blackwell handbook of early childhood development (pp. 274-294). Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing.

Strickland, D. S., & Schickedanz, J. A. (2004). Learning about print in preschool: Working with letters, words, and beginning links with phonemic awareness. Newark, DE: International Reading Association.

Wetherby, A., Reichle, J., & Pierce, P. (1998). Transition to symbolic communication. In A. Wetherby, S. Warren, & J. Reichle (Eds.), Transitions in prelinguistic communication (pp. 197-230). Baltimore, MD: Paul H. Brookes.

Measure 37 — LIT4

Phonological Awareness

Child shows awareness of sounds that make up language, including the segmentation of sounds in words, and recognition of word rhyming and alliteration

Phonological awareness refers to sensitivity to the sounds used in speech and the ability to manipulate speech sounds. To read and write in languages that use an alphabet, children need to be able to associate sounds in words with letters. Generally children are sensitive to larger units of speech sounds (words and syllables) before they become aware of smaller units of sound inside syllables, such as onsets (the initial sound of a word; /b/ in “big,” for example) and rimes (the end part of a word, as /ig/ in “big”). Gradually they learn to manipulate these different sound units by deliberately changing, adding, or deleting sounds in words. There are four basic sets of phonological awareness skills: rhyming (identifying and manipulating rimes or endings in words), alliteration (identifying and manipulating initial sounds), blending (putting together sounds to form words), and segmenting (separating words into smaller units of sound).

Infants are interested in speech sounds from birth. They respond differently to different sounds and can discriminate among the various sounds of oral language; /b/ from /p/, for example. They coo, babble, engage in vocal play, and imitate familiar sounds. By six months of age, many infants repeat strings of speech sounds with rhythms and cadences similar to the language they hear spoken around them.

Toddlers enjoy listening to songs and rhymes. They participate in finger plays (such as “Pat-A-Cake”) and turn-taking games and can repeat parts of songs and nursery rhymes. They can also imitate novel words and sounds. Older toddlers play intentionally with the sounds of words, for example clapping along to songs or rhymes or changing sounds to invent new words (“silly pilly,” for example, or “purple durple”).

Young preschoolers begin to show interest not only in the meaning of words but also in how the words sound. As they learn new words, they become increasingly aware of differences and similarities of the sounds of words and begin to recognize units of sound. They clap out words in a sentence, clap out syllables in words, and enjoy repeating alliterative phrases (such as “purple pig’s picnic”). They can recite familiar nursery rhymes and songs, and many preschoolers can indicate whether or not two words rhyme. For example, a child could answer correctly if the adult asks “Do Fuzzie and Wuzzie rhyme?”

Older Preschoolers begin to listen carefully to sounds in words. They begin to enjoy tongue twisters, poetry, and jokes. They also are able to identify words that rhyme; for example, if asked what rhymes with “cat,” the child might respond with “bat.” Older Preschoolers begin to notice words that start with the same first sound (“Don” and “Dave”) and play games with words. For example, they might enjoy guessing words that start with the same sound. Preschoolers also can combine elements to make compound words (such as “pea” with “nut” and “rain” with “bow”) and can combine syllables into words (“la-dy”). Some preschoolers are also able to manipulate smaller units of sounds within words, blending phonemes to form words (“c,” “a,” and “t” to get “cat”). Preschoolers also become able to segment words into syllables (“table” becomes “ta-” plus “-ble”) and remove sounds from words (removing /b/ from “bug” to get “ug”).

References

Byrne, B., & Fielding-Barnsley, R. (1991). Evaluation of a program to teach phonemic awareness to young children. Journal of Educational Psychology, 83, 451-455.

Dickinson, D.K., & Neuman, S.B. (Eds.) (2006). Handbook of early literacy research Vol.2. New York: Guilford Press.

Lonigan, C. (2006). Phonological skills in prereaders. In D. Dickinson & S. Neuman (Eds.), Handbook of early literacy research Vol.2 (pp. 77-89). New York: Guilford Press.

Maclean, M., Bryant, P., & Bradley, L. (1987). Rhymes, nursery rhymes, and reading in early childhood. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 33, 255-281.

National Early Literacy Panel. (2004). Report on a synthesis of early predictors of reading. Louisville, KY: National Center for Family Literacy.

Snow, C. (2006). What counts as literacy in early childhood? In K. McCartney & D. Phillips (Eds.), Blackwell handbook of early childhood development (pp. 274-294). Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing.

Yopp, H. K., & Yopp, R. H. (2000). Supporting phonemic awareness development in the classroom. The Reading Teacher, 54(2), 130-143.

Measure 38 — LIT 5

Emerging Writing

Child shows increasing ability to write using scribbles, symbols, letters, and words to represent meaning

Early writing is about using graphic symbols (scribbles, shapes, letter-like forms) to represent meaning. Well before they are able to write conventionally, young children understand that the written word carries meaning, and they scribble and draw in an imitative effort to express and communicate ideas and feelings. They use their marks and scribbles to imitate the act of writing messages, telling stories, and making labels and signs. Engaging in emerging writing activities, such as marking on paper, drawing, and pretending to write, helps children make the connections between written and spoken language; it also helps them learn concepts about print: that writing is scripted from left to right, for example. An important milestone for children in this process is learning to write their own name.

Infants engage in sensorimotor exploration of materials, using their fingers to make marks on various surfaces, such as food, sand, and playdough. They also may experiment with crumpling or tearing up paper or grabbing a pencil and banging it on paper, thus leaving accidental marks. Toddlers use print and art utensils (such as crayons, pencils, paint brushes) and their fingers to make deliberate marks on paper. They may begin by making scribbles all over the page; they then make dots, lines, and lines with curves; and finally they make simple, closed shapes, such as circles. As they become more skilled, toddlers are able to copy some simple marks or shapes (such as lines and circles).

Young preschoolers understand that writing has meaning. They are interested in scribbling and making marks to represent objects, people, or events. Many are able to draw lines, curves, and other shapes to represent objects, such as people, houses, animals, flowers, and trees to which they give a name. Preschoolers like to write their own names using letter-like forms. For example, they use letter-like forms to pretend to write words and make lists, and they like to identify what their marks mean. They may also ask adults to write simple words and messages for them.

Older preschoolers make strings of letter-like forms and real letters to label pictures, or they may pretend to write lists and messages. They understand that writing is meant to be read by others. They may ask adults to write simple words for them to copy such, as “MOM” or “DAD” and other familiar words, such as the names of favorite objects. Eventually many children can write their own name with most letters formed correctly, usually first in upper case and then using lower case. They also begin to write other words and are able to write some simple, very familiar words correctly (such as “MOM”) and use invented spelling for others (“KR” for car).

References

Campbell, R. (1999). Phonics, naturally: Reading and writing for real purposes. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann.

Dyson, A. (2001). Writing and children’s symbolic repertoires: Development unhinged. In S. Neuman, & D. Dickinson (Eds.), Handbook of early literacy research Vol. 1 (pp. 126-141). New York: Guildford Press.

Godt, P., Hutinger, P., Robinson, L., & Schneider, C. (1999). Using a sign-up sheet strategy to encourage emergent literacy skills in young children with disabilities. Teaching Exceptional Children, 32(2), 38-44.

Levin, I., & Bus, A. (2003). How is emergent writing based on drawing? Analyses of children’s products and their sorting by children and mothers. Developmental Psychology, 39(5), 891-905.

Oken-Wright, P. (1998). Transition to writing: Drawing as a scaffold for emergent writers. Young Children, 53(2), 76-81.

Schickedanz, J. & Casbergue, R, (2004). Writing in preschool. Learning to orchestrate meaning and marks. Newark, DE: International Reading Association.

Measure 39 — LIT 6

Comprehension of Text

Child identifies details or story sequences in age-appropriate texts

Comprehension of text refers to children’s ability to read, listen, and understand the meaning of ideas represented in text and spoken words. Young children who listen to and tell stories are more likely to learn how to read well. Most stories have structural and narrative patterns: they usually have characters, a theme, and a sequence of events with a beginning, a middle, and an end. Knowledge of this structure helps children comprehend stories. Children demonstrate comprehension when they can retell important information about a story. In order to do this, children need to develop good narrative skills, which involve being able to identify events that happened in the past and to organize them in a chronological sequence. During the preschool years, children are able to talk about simple events and answer questions about a story. Gradually they learn to tell a complete, coherent narrative, with information about the setting, theme, plot, and conclusion.

From birth, infants are particularly attuned to the characteristics of the human voice. Gradually they begin to develop “joint attention,” which is the ability to share a focus with a caregiver. Toddlers are able to listen to a brief story and are particularly interested in the illustrations. They may make simple comments and respond to simple questions related to a story being read. Eventually they repeat words read by the adult, memorize simple, repetitive texts, and fill in words in familiar stories.

Young preschoolers are able to listen to an entire story, but they still rely heavily on the accompanying pictures to sustain their interest. They may ask questions or make comments about the story. They may describe sequences of two or more events related to familiar stories using “and then” to tie events together. Preschoolers eventually make comments that relate events from the story to their own experience. They can even retell their own version of the story.

Older Preschoolers can retell a story in more detail, using temporal and causal terms such as “but,” “when,” “so,” and “because.” They are able to relate the sequence of events in a story, even though they may not always fully understand it. They are interested in the story’s plot and the motives of characters and need fewer pictures to hold their attention. In addition, their comments demonstrate their growing ability to interpret and elaborate information. They also make predictions about what will happen next and may talk about the plans and motives of characters.

References

Beals, D. E., DeTemple, J. M., & Dickinson, D. K. (1994). Talking and listening that support early literacy development of children from low-income families. In D. K. Dickinson (Ed.), Bridges to literacy: Children, families and schools (pp. 19 -40). Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers.

Dickinson, D. K, & Tabors, P. O. (Eds.) (2001). Beginning literacy with language: Young children learning at home and in school. Baltimore: Brookes.

Lonigan, C. J., & Whitehurst, G. J. (1998). Relative efficacy of parent and teacher involvement in a shared-reading intervention for preschool children from low-income backgrounds. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 13, 263-292.

Morrow, L. M. (1988). Young children’s responses to one-on-one story readings in school settings. Reading Research Quarterly, 23(1), 89-107.

Roser, N., & Martinez, M. (1985). Roles adults play in preschool responses to literature. Language Arts, 62, 485-490.

Sulzby, E. (1985). Children’s emergent reading of favorite storybooks: A developmental study. Reading Research Quarterly, 20, 458-481.

Desired Result 3 — Indicator: Motor Skills (MOT)

Children demonstrate an increased proficiency in motor skills

Motor skills involving large and small muscle movements enable a child to move from one place to another; reach, grasp, and manipulate objects; maintain body position against gravity; orient to people and objects in the environment; and interact with people and objects. In addition, motor skills can affect a child’s ability to perform self-help behaviors, to socialize, and to develop cognitively. Children need gross motor skills in order to control the large muscles that they use for crawling, sitting, walking, running, jumping, and other activities. Children need fine motor skills, which typically refer to small movements of the hands, wrists, fingers, feet, toes, lips, and tongue, in order to have the control they need for such precise activities as manipulating fasteners in dressing, writing and speaking.

Historically, the development of motor skills was viewed from a maturational perspective, which assumed that the rate and sequence of motor development was similar across all children and that the emergence of motor skills was the direct result of the maturation of the central nervous system. As a result, the emphasis was on the attainment of motor milestones. Recent research has challenged some of the assumptions of this maturational perspective. A more contemporary view holds that motor skill development is a dynamic process involving interactions between the child, his activities, and the physical and sociocultural aspects of the child’s environment. Central nervous system maturation is recognized as a necessary component of motor skill development and control, but the contribution of experience is also acknowledged. As a result, the understanding of the development of motor skills in young children has broadened to include considerations of the child’s environment and experiences, in addition to the maturation of the central nervous system.

Measure 40 — MOT 1

Movement

Child refines the ability to move in a coordinated way using large muscles (e.g., arms and legs)

Movement refers to motor activity that involves changing position or moving against gravity. Movement is important because it helps children grow physically strong and become active. However, movement involves more than simply getting from place to place. When children demonstrate proficiency in their movement skills, they enhance their interactions with people and objects in their environment. Clearly, movement is important for supporting the development of other skills. For example, a young child uses movements and gestures in early communication.

During the first few months of life, an infant’s movements are dominated by reflexes (involuntary movements in response to a stimulus), such as the grasp reflex, the hand-to-mouth reflex, and the startle (or moro) reflex. After the first few months, the infant moves mainly by kicking, lifting his head, and propping on elbows with his head lifted. These simple movements help infants see and interact with the world from a new perspective. As a result, these movements quickly become intentional, as infants recognize simple cause-and-effect relationships. Later in the first year of life, infants can move into and out of a sitting position. They also learn to move horizontally by crawling and creeping. Horizontal movement provides the infant with additional opportunities to explore his physical and social environments. Later in the first year of life, infants begin to move vertically. Pulling to a standing position using furniture and cruising around furniture are early forms of an infant’s vertical movements.

Toddlers can walk without support. At first, their upright movements are stiff and not well coordinated. They may walk with a wide base of support—their feet spread apart— and also with their arms in high regard (held up and away from the body) in order to maintain their balance. As toddlers gain experience with vertical locomotion, their walking becomes smoother and more coordinated. Movement around objects becomes easier, and they do not fall as frequently. However, uneven walking surfaces can be challenging to toddlers. Toddlers often carry objects while walking. Older toddlers are beginning to coordinate movements well enough to be able to run, to jump, and to throw and catch a ball, although they may be somewhat awkward at all of these skills. Older toddlers begin to climb stairs with one foot on each step, but may need to hold on to a support, such as a railing or a wall.

Young preschoolers can coordinate their movements into smooth patterns. They can climb steps with one foot on each step and do not need to hold onto a support. They improve in their ability to throw and catch a ball with precision, as well as in their ability to pedal and steer a tricycle. Young preschoolers use their improved movement skills to negotiate obstacles, climbing over and under things on the playground, for example, and steering around obstacles.

Older preschoolers are capable of complex movement patterns that require the coordination of new, more sophisticated movements, such as galloping, skipping, and swinging on a swing. Later in the preschool years, young children participate in extended or integrated physical activities in games that combine multiple and varied movement skills, such as throwing while running or jumping, or performing dance steps.

References

Charlesworth, R. (2004). Understanding child development: For adults who work with young children. Clifton Park, NY: Delmar.

Sanders, S. W. (2002). Active for life: Developmentally appropriate movement programs for young children. Washington, DC: National Association for the Education of Young Children.

Zero to Three. (n.d.). On the move: The power of movement in your child’s first three years. Washington, DC: Author. Retrieved March 1, 2008 from http://www.zerotothree.org/site/DocServer/OntheMoveEnglish.pdf.

Measure 41 — MOT 2

Balance

Child refines the ability to balance self in space

The development of balance, or postural control, is an essential aspect of early motor development and is necessary for most movement. Balance is associated with confidence in performing physical tasks; with independence in the activities of daily living, such as dressing and toileting; and with increased skill in social interactions. Postural control is defined as the ability to maintain an upright posture by keeping or returning the body’s center of gravity over a base of support. For example, to sit independently a child must be able to keep her head and trunk upright and vertical over a relatively wide base of support. There are essentially two kinds of balance, static and dynamic. Simply put, static balance refers to a child’s ability to maintain postural stability while not moving; dynamic balance refers to his ability to maintain balance while he is moving.

Newborn infants cannot maintain balance independently and must rely on people or objects for support. During the first year of life, an infant gradually increases postural control against gravity. For example, an infant can hold up his head and push up on his extended arms when lying on his stomach. Sitting balance, particularly sitting without support, is an important accomplishment for older infants. As infants continue to develop their balance skills, they balance while standing using support, such as pulling themselves up to stand at a table (static balance) and cruising around furniture (dynamic balance).

Toddlers are able to balance in upright positions as they support their own weight. For example, toddlers maintain standing positions without support (static balance) and bend over and pick objects up off the floor (dynamic balance). Older toddlers are able to balance against gravity while carrying or manipulating objects. They maintain balance in an upright position while trying to kick or catch a ball, although these movements may not be smooth or precise.

Young preschoolers demonstrate increased skill and precision in motor movements and also demonstrate improved balance. They are beginning to demonstrate postural control during movement and can balance while performing motions, even when their base of support is challenged. For example, they can maintain balance while standing briefly on one foot and are able to maintain balance while walking with both feet on a line.

Older preschoolers have clearly acquired the ability to balance while in motion (dynamic balance) and can apply this skill to a number of movements, such as hopping, running, and jumping. Eventually they can smoothly coordinate movements that require balance skills, such as walking and carrying a glass of water with little or no spilling.

References

Charlesworth, R. (2004). Understanding child development: For adults who work with young children.Clifton Park, NY: Delmar.

Chandler, L. (1979). Gross and fine motor development. In M. A. Cohen & P. J. Gross (Eds.), The developmental resource: Behavioral sequences for assessment and program planning (Vol. 1, pp. 119-151). New York: Grune and Stratton.

Sanders, S. W. (2002). Active for life: Developmentally appropriate movement programs for young children. Washington, DC: National Association for the Education of Young Children.

Zero to Three. (n.d.). On the move: The power of movement in your child’s first three years. Washington, DC: Author. Retrieved March 1, 2008 from http://www.zerotothree.org/site/DocServer/OntheMoveEnglish.pdf.

Measure 42 — MOT 3

Grasp/Release and Manipulation

Child uses hands to grasp, release, and manipulate objects

The ability to grasp and release objects is required for developing proficient fine motor skills. Typically, grasping precedes releasing objects. The subsequent ability to manipulate refers to the use of hand and finger muscles to control objects. Proficient use of the hands to grasp/release or manipulate objects occurs in conjunction with, and is important to, development in other areas. Grasp/release and manipulation skills enable children to engage in play, become more independent in self-care skills, and participate in a variety of early learning activities.

Newborn infants demonstrate a grasp reflex when a stimulus (such as an adult’s finger or a small object) puts light pressure on the inside of their hand. The response (the grasp reflex) is a firm grasp on the object, although the newborn cannot demonstrate a voluntary grasp or release. Their ability to voluntarily grasp objects emerges later when they begin to use their arms and hands to interact with things in their environments by swiping at objects and grasping them briefly. The first type of grasp that infants demonstrate is a full hand grasp, surrounding objects with their whole hand. They soon are able to use a “palmer grasp,” which means they hold objects on the little finger side of their hand and against their palm. Infants eventually learn to pass an object from one hand to the other and to hold an object in one hand while the other hand performs an action on the object. For example, while holding a rattle in one hand, they can spin a part on the rattle with the other hand. Later in infancy, they are able to hold objects away from their palm and between their thumb and fingers closest to the thumb. For example, they can hold a small piece of cracker without it resting in their palm. By the end of the infancy period, infants are able to use a pincer grasp, using thumb and index finger to pick up and hold small objects, such as a piece of cereal. They are also able to demonstrate a deliberate release of objects, such as dropping objects into containers.

Toddlers use their grasp/release and manipulation skills to place objects in defined spaces or remove objects from defined spaces. For example, they put things in small openings and remove objects from holes. Toddlers are also able to manipulate an object with one hand while stabilizing the object with the other hand. For example, they can spin the wheels of a toy truck with one hand while holding the truck with the other hand. Toddlers practice grasp/release and manipulation skills throughout the day in activities of play and self-care. This helps them develop strength and dexterity in their hands that enables them to do such things as pick up a crayon and position it in their hand to scribble on paper. Older toddlers and young preschoolers further refine their strength and dexterity by using both hands together to accomplish tasks or to participate in an activity. For example, they might roll playdough or put pop-beads together and take them apart.

A major change for young preschoolers in grasp/release and manipulation abilities involves the increased use of precise finger movements. Preschoolers are able to manipulate objects with each hand doing something different to accomplish tasks. They are able to cut with scissors, string beads, and manipulate markers, crayons, and pencils.

Older preschoolers are able to manipulate small objects in ways that require precise eye-hand coordination. For example, they can connect two ends of a zipper on a jacket or lace strings through holes in shoes. As strength and dexterity continue to develop, preschoolers demonstrate increased refinement of their fine motor skills. They can accomplish tasks that require greater control and strength, such as cutting out pictures following a general shape or using eye-droppers to pick up colored water.

References

Chandler, L. (1979). Gross and fine motor development. In M. A. Cohen & P. J. Gross (Eds.), The developmental resource: Behavioral sequences for assessment and program planning (Vol. 1, pp. 119-151). New York: Grune and Stratton.

Essa, E., Young, R., & Lehne, L. (1998). Introduction to early childhood education (2nd ed.). Toronto: Nelson.

Payne, V. G., & Isaac, L.D. (2007). Human motor development: A lifespan approach (7th ed.). Boston: McGraw-Hill.

Schickedanz, J.A., Schickedanz, D.I., Hansen, K., & Forsyth, P.D. (1993). Understanding children. Mountain View, CA: Mayfield.

Measure 43 — MOT 4

Eye-Hand Coordination

Child uses eyes and hands together to perform or accomplish a task

Eye-hand coordination involves using eyes and hands together in an integrated way to perform a task. For most children, hand movements are informed by visual input. For example, if a child is attempting to place puzzle pieces in a puzzle board, she must use vision to guide her movements. Young children who are visually impaired or blind are an exception to this, as they might use other sensory systems, such as tactile input, to guide their hand movements.

Newborn infants look at objects briefly. For example, they will look at mobiles or the faces of their caregivers. Infants watch objects and begin to move their eyes, their mouths, and their bodies toward people and objects that interest them. They watch their own hands when they play with them. They practice skills that allow them to move their arms and hands toward people or objects, and they might swipe at objects they can see. Eye-hand coordination continues to be refined in infancy. By the second half of the first year of life, most infants begin to coordinate looking and arm movement and can reach for an object without repeatedly looking at their hand. They might bang objects together while looking at the objects. Infants are able to look from hand to object, to hold one object while looking for a second object, and to follow the movements of their hands with their eyes. Older infants watch and guide the movement of one arm and hand to accomplish a task. For example, they might put an object into a container or place one object on top of another.

Toddlers continue to refine their eye-hand coordination skills. They can watch and manipulate an object with one hand while stabilizing it with the other hand. For example, they look at pictures in a cardboard book and turn the pages with one hand while holding the book with their other. Toddlers spend a lot of time practicing eye-hand coordination skills as they put objects into and take objects out of containers, nest objects, twist dials, push levers, and scribble. Older toddlers can coordinate the movements of both hands together, which allows them to perform such actions as pouring water or sand from one cup into another.

Young preschoolers continue to improve eye-hand coordination skills, and they watch and coordinate the movement of their hands to accomplish tasks or activities. They integrate visual and increasingly refined fine motor skills to complete tasks, including those involving the use of tools, such as using a crayon to copy simple marks or lines or moving a computer mouse.

Older preschoolers have advanced eye-hand coordination skills that enable them to integrate visual and fine motor skills to copy a model. For example, they might string beads following a simple pattern or connect blocks to replicate structures. Later, preschoolers will be able to complete increasingly complex tasks involving eye-hand coordination, such as using a keyboard and mouse on a computer or copying shapes on paper.

References

Bennett-Armistead, S., Moses, A. M., & Duke, N. K. (2006). Literacy and the youngest learner. New York: Scholastic.

Erhardt, R. P. (1996). Developmental components of eye-hand coordination in the child with special needs [videotape]. Maplewood, MN: Erhardt Developmental Products.

Steri, A. (1993). Seeing, reaching, and touching: The relation between vision and touch in infancy. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Desired Result 4 — Indicator: Safety and Health (SH)

Children show an emerging awareness and practice of safe and healthy behavior

Children develop awareness of and begin to practice safe and healthy behaviors as they learn about the world and experience adults modeling a healthy lifestyle. These experiences are influenced by a variety of factors, including familial and sociocultural patterns and expectations. Developing safe and healthy attitudes and behaviors provides a rich context for the development of self-help, adaptive, motor, cognitive, and social skills. Safe and healthy behaviors that young children develop—such as those related to good nutrition, hygiene, injury prevention and safety, physical fitness and activity, and other components of a healthy life—serve as a foundation for lifelong habits that might help prevent later health complications. Learning about safety or a safe environment also allows young children to develop habits and learn to make choices that minimize their risk of injury and illness.

Health, nutrition, and safety are interconnected, much as social, emotional, cognitive, linguistic, and motor development is interrelated. Young children gradually develop an understanding and practice of personal care routines (toileting and hygiene, dressing, and self-feeding), personal safety behavior, and healthy eating. In addition, as children develop motor and cognitive skills, they are better able to practice safe and healthy behavior with increased competence and independence.

The development of safe and healthy behavior begins when infants react to internal sensations—such as hunger, pain, or fear—and adults respond to their needs. With time, infants become familiar with care-giving routines. They participate in and anticipate the behavior of familiar caregivers.

Toddlers demonstrate increasing independence in routines related to their safety and health by beginning to participate in these routines with prompting from adults or cues from the environment. For example, when the teacher says it is time to go outside, the child goes to his cubby to get his coat.

Young preschoolers can remember and perform safety and health routines increasingly on their own. For example, a young preschooler may put her hands under running water, rub, and rinse her hands when a teacher reminds her that it is time to wash hands.

Older preschoolers can often complete routines without help and are beginning to understand the purpose of the routines. This understanding is an internalization of the rules and conventions associated with the routine. Children may indicate this understanding by communicating the purpose of the routine to others (such as saying, “Throwing sand is not allowed” to a playmate) or generalizing a rule to a novel context. For example, a child who learns to wash her hands after using the bathroom at school may also begin to do this without being reminded at home.

Measure 44 — SH 1

Personal Care Routines: Toileting and Hygiene

Child responds to and initiates toileting and hygiene routines that support healthy growth and help prevent the spread of infection

Developing personal care behaviors and routines, including toileting and personal cleanliness (hygiene), is important to supporting healthy growth and preventing the transmission of illness and infection. Young children begin to develop these behaviors by passively participating in or reacting to personal care routines initiated by their caregivers. In time, these routines become familiar to young children, and they begin to anticipate the steps in the routine and participate with increasing independence. They also begin to communicate to others that they understand the reasons for personal cleanliness behaviors and routines.

At birth, infants require complete caregiver assistance for toileting and hygiene. They respond to these routines with undifferentiated actions, such as turning away or reaching out. As they gain experience and knowledge of routines, infants anticipate steps in simple care-giving routines and can begin to participate, for example, by lifting their legs when their diaper is being changed.

As they develop the cognitive and motor skills necessary to complete some steps in simple care routines, toddlers will begin to take a more active role. For example, when an adult turns on the water and says “Time to wash hands,” the child might put her hands under the water. A young toddler may blow his nose when an adult puts a tissue to his nose and says, “Blow.” Toddlers begin to show a desire for more independence (saying “I’ll do it” when beginning a task) with washing hands, brushing teeth, and performing other personal care routines; but they require adult assistance to complete most routines. For example, an older toddler may be able wipe her own nose and mouth when an adult provides the tissue.

Young preschoolers begin to remember the sequence of steps in personal care and hygiene routines. They can complete some simple personal care routines but need verbal or physical assistance from an adult. For example, a young preschooler may be able to follow a hand-washing routine if the teacher recites the steps as the child is completing them. The child may follow the steps for washing her hands, but need the adult to turn the faucet off completely.

Older preschoolers complete personal care routines more independently. They can wash their hands, brush their teeth, and toilet with little adult assistance or prompting. Learning and performing all of the steps in personal care and hygiene routines leads the child to internalize these routines. Older preschoolers can perform the routines in new places. They also show that they know the rationale for a personal care routine by communicating to others about the routine. For example, a child may remind another child to cover his mouth while coughing. Or a child may explain that washing hands before eating is important because it helps remove germs.

References

American Academy of Pediatrics, American Public Health Association, & National Resource Center for Health and Safety in Child Care (2002). Caring for our children: National health and safety performance standards: Guidelines for out-of-home child care program (2nd ed.). Elk Grove Village, IL: American Academy of Pediatrics.

Dubuque Community Schools (n.d.). 10 quick and quiet steps to hand washing success [video]. Retrieved March 1, 2008, from http://www.dubuque.k12.ia.us/Prescott/Handwash/

Marotz, L. R. (2008). Health, safety, and nutrition for the young child (7th ed.). Clifton Park, NY: Thomson Delmar Learning.

Oswalt, A., Reiss, N. S., & Dombeck, M. (2008). Early childhood hygiene. Retrieved March 1, 2008, from http://www.mentalhelp.net/poc/view_doc.php?type=
doc&id=14296&cn=462

Sayre, N.E., & Gallagher, J.D. (2001). The young child and the environment: Issues related to health, nutrition, safety, and physical activity. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon.

Toilet learning for toddlers (1998). Retrieved March 1, 2008, from http://www.naeyc.org/ece/1998/17.asp

Measure 45 — SH 2

Personal Care Routines: Dressing

Child refines ability to dress him or herself independently

Young children gradually develop an understanding of the need to dress appropriately and also develop the skills to dress independently. Initially, children passively participate in a dressing routine initiated by their caregivers. With time and as the dressing routine becomes familiar, children begin to assist their caregiver in completing the task. With the development of motor skills, children refine their ability to dress and are able to complete tasks with increasing competence and independence.

Very young infants require that an adult dress them. As they develop, infants begin to participate in the dressing routine by cooperating with the adult who is helping them. This cooperation may be passive. The infant may remain still and allow an adult to dress her, for example. Older infants may actively offer cooperation, such as extending their legs or arms while they are being dressed.

Toddlers are able to assist with dressing. Young toddlers have the motor skills to be able to remove their socks and shoes, and they like to participate actively in dressing, for example putting their arms through shirt sleeves or coat sleeves with adult assistance. Older toddlers are able to remove and put on simple clothing, such as hats. They are also able to unzip clothing and to pull pants with elastic waists up and down, but they need some assistance with unbuttoning their pants or unbuckling belts and straps.

Young preschoolers are able to remove their clothes without assistance. They are able to remove their jacket when they are too hot or remove a shirt when it gets wet. Eventually they will also be able to put on simple clothing, such as a jacket or coat, independently. They are able to unsnap garments and fasten things with Velcro™ straps, but they may need assistance with other fasteners, such as buttons or clasps.

Older preschoolers are able to dress independently for the most part. They can identify the front and back of clothes. They may be able to handle buttons and zippers and may only need an adult’s help with more difficult fasteners, like shoe laces and the clasps on overalls. Experience and greater development of their fine motor skills enable children to dress more independently using a variety of difficult fasteners. Older preschoolers are also able to select clothes that are appropriate for the weather, such as shorts and short-sleeve shirts for a warm day or a coat when it is cold. Autonomy in dressing becomes more refined when children are in kindergarten and the primary grades. Further development of their fine motor skills allows them to work more successfully with difficult fasteners like buckles and clasps.

References

Henry, S. (n.d.). Developmental milestones: Self-care (age 5). Retrieved March 1, 2008, from http://parentcenter.babycenter.com/0_developmental-milestone-self-care-age-5_66682.pc

Henry, S. (n.d.). Developmental milestones: Self-care (ages 3-4). Retrieved March 1, 2008, from http://parentcenter.babycenter.com/0_developmental-milestone-self-care_65551.pc

Marotz, L. R. (2008). Health, safety, and nutrition for the young child (7th ed.) (pp. 320-321). Clifton Park, NY: Thomson Delmar Learning.

Toddler milestones: Self-care. (n.d.). Retrieved March 1, 2008, from http://www.babycenter.com/refcap/toddler/toddlerdevelopment/6503.html

Werner, D. (1999). Disabled village children: A guide for community health workers, rehabilitation workers, and families (2nd ed.) (pp. 333-336). Berkeley, CA: The Hesperian Foundation. Retrieved March 1, 2008, from http://www.dinf.ne.jp/doc/english/global/david/dwe002/dwe00239.htm

Measure 46 — SH3

Personal Care Routines: Self-Feeding

Child refines ability to feed him or herself independently

Young children begin to develop self-feeding skills by alerting their caregivers to when they are hungry and then accepting food from their caregivers. With time, children begin to use their fingers to feed themselves and begin to learn to use a cup and spoon with assistance. Children gain independence and confidence as they become able to perform self-feeding skills more competently, developing the skills to serve themselves and even prepare very simple snacks. Sociocultural beliefs and practices influence the timing or extent to which a child may be expected to feed himself. Practitioners will need to be sensitive to the varying beliefs held at a child’s home and also be able to express those expectations and practices in the early care program/school.

Infants are able to coordinate sucking and breathing to be able to nurse or feed from a bottle without choking. As they develop the necessary oral motor skills, infants start to accept food from a spoon, eating small portions of solid foods that have been strained or pureed. They can indicate when they are hungry by crying or reaching for food. They can also indicate when they are no longer hungry by turning away or pushing food away.

Toddlers are able to feed themselves with assistance using their hands and child-sized utensils, although they are not yet proficient in using utensils. For example, toddlers may eat cereal or scrambled eggs off a tray on their highchair, using a combination of their hands and a small spoon. Sometimes, they may tire of using a spoon and resort to using their hands, or they may ask adults for assistance. They are able to drink from a “sippy” cup, and they begin to drink from a regular cup with some spilling. Toddlers will also begin to communicate to adults who are providing them food by asking for more or saying that they are “all done.” At times they may try to feed themselves too much of the food items they like and will need to be reminded to take small bites.

Young preschoolers use utensils more proficiently to feed themselves. They can sit at a table with adults and other children and eat a meal with very little assistance. Young preschoolers are able to wait until they have swallowed what is in their mouths before taking another bite. With time, they are able to begin to serve themselves food, but this skill is not yet refined. A child may attempt to scoop some fruit from a serving bowl or pour milk from a container, but she may spill some on the table or need adult assistance to complete the task.

Older preschoolers are able to serve themselves food with less spilling and less assistance. They have developed the motor ability to manipulate heavier bowls and utensils. Later, older preschoolers will be able to prepare simple snacks, such as pouring cereal and milk into a bowl or spreading peanut butter and jelly on bread to make a sandwich.

References

Endres, J. B., Rockwell, R. E., & Mense, C. G. (2004). Food, nutrition, and the young child (5th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Merrill Prentice Hall.

Lerner, C., & Parlakian, R. (2006). Healthy from the start: How feeding nurtures your young child’s body, heart, and mind. Washington, D.C.: Zero to Three.

Marotz, L. R. (2008). Health, safety, and nutrition for the young child (7th ed.). Clifton Park, NY: Thomson Delmar Learning.

Satter, E. (1992). The feeding relationship. Retrieved March 1, 2008, from http://www.zerotothree.org/site/PageServer?pagename=ter_key_health_satter&AddInterest=1147

Measure 47 — SH 4

Personal Safety

Child shows awareness of safety practices that minimize risk and support healthy growth

Developing an awareness and practice of safe behavior minimizes the risk of injury to self and others and supports healthy development. Young children gradually develop this practice by internalizing the safety rules and behaviors modeled by adults. Initially, children comply with safety rules and procedures with much assistance from adults. With time, young children begin to internalize these safety rules (and the reasons for the rules) and are able to comply with less adult support and prompting.

Very young infants react to internal sensations of fear but are not able to distinguish these from other sensations like hunger. In time, infants with caring and supportive caregivers develop a relationship of trust with familiar adults. They feel secure in the presence of these familiar adults. Infants respond to situations that make them feel unsafe by looking to a familiar adult for assistance and support. For example, an infant may cling to an adult when she is in a new, unfamiliar environment or when she hears a loud sound.

Toddlers seek out familiar adults when they feel insecure or unsafe. They may hold an adult’s hand in order to feel they can move safely from one place to another. Toddlers begin to follow simple safety rules when reminded, such as holding onto an adult’s hand as they go up stairs or out to a parking lot. Toddlers tend to repeat rules they have heard from adults. They can be heard repeating the rules aloud from memory or as they hear other children reciting them (“No pushing” or “Slow down”), sometimes right before they break them. For example, it is not uncommon for a child to say “No running,” and then begin to run. Toddlers are able to wait for adult assistance during transitions from one activity to the next, but usually with much prompting from an adult.

Young preschoolers can more easily follow simple safety rules, such as holding hands with a buddy as they walk to the park, with occasional prompts from adults. They are able to follow adult guidance to use toys safely or follow rules about safely playing at a water table or on a play structure. Young preschoolers have begun to internalize rules so that, as their abilities develop, they are able to follow some safety rules on their own. For example, they may know to wear a helmet while using a tricycle or know not to run indoors, and then follow the rule without being reminded. Of course, even though they are able to follow the rules, they may not always remember to do so.

Older preschoolers begin to generalize safety rules across situations. For example, a child may be taught to wear a helmet when riding a bicycle and then independently put on a helmet when using a scooter. Older preschoolers know to wipe up spills on the floor and may do this across different areas and situations. Finally, older preschoolers begin to demonstrate a greater understanding of safety rules when they can explain the reasons for the safety rules to other children and adults. For example, a child may explain to another child that “We wear helmets when we ride our bikes so we don’t hit our heads if we fall off;” or a child may stop swinging if he sees another child coming close to the front of the swing set.

References

Levin, D.E. (2003). Beyond banning war and superhero play: Meeting children’s needs in violent times. Retrieved March 1, 2008, from http://www.journal.naeyc.org/btj/200305/warAndSuperhero.pdf

Marotz, L. R. (2008). Health, safety, and nutrition for the young child (7th ed.) (pp. 196-239). Clifton Park, NY: Thomson Delmar Learning.

Oswalt, A., Reiss, N. S., & Dombeck, M. (2008). Early childhood safety. Retrieved March 1, 2008, from http://www.mentalhelp.net/poc/view_doc.php?type
=doc&id=14303&cn=462

Seitz, H. J. (2006). The plan: Building on children’s interests. Retrieved March 1, 2008, from http://www.journal.naeyc.org/btj/200603/SeitzBTJ.asp

Watts, A., & Young, P. (2007). Health, safety, and nutrition (pp. 63-94, 128). Clifton Park, NY: Thomson Delmar Learning.

Measure 48 — SH 5

Understanding Healthy Lifestyle: Eating and Nutrition

Child shows awareness of eating habits that support healthy growth

The foundation for a healthy lifestyle (proper nutrition, physical activity, and enough rest) across a lifespan begins in early childhood. The development of healthy habits in young children is affected by the beliefs and practices of the adults closest to them. One aspect of a healthy lifestyle is developing an awareness and practice of healthy eating and nutrition (healthy food choices). The development of healthy eating habits is influenced by the feeding relationship between the adult and the child. It is important that the adult be consistent in allowing the young child to try new foods and textures and to be patient if the child rejects a new food item. Providing a supportive environment (offering but not forcing children to eat a particular food item, for example) and modeling healthy eating habits (such as eating fruits and vegetables) invite children to explore new food experiences and adopt healthy eating habits.

Young children’s eating preferences and behaviors are influenced by direct teaching about healthy eating, adult modeling, and positive experiences during meals at home and in an infant/toddler or preschool program. Programs should be sure to identify and communicate about family preferences, cultural and religious dietary requirements, and food allergies when providing healthy eating experiences.

Infants begin by communicating hunger to their caregiver. They learn that their caregiver will respond and satisfy their need for nourishment. Infants accept food and participate in their feeding by anticipating food and asking for more, using gestures and facial expressions. For example, infants may reach or move towards food when they see it. Older infants begin to explore their food by smearing it on their high chairs or playing with it.

Toddlers continue to explore new food and food textures. A toddler might be willing to explore a variety of available food textures (such as a smooth banana, chewy, whole-wheat bread, crunchy carrots, and soft peaches). As they develop, toddlers begin to develop food preferences and may not want to eat new foods or particular food items. Toddlers may also begin to prefer having food prepared a certain way and to eat each food separately rather than mixed together. They are influenced, though, by adult and peer modeling; and they may be tempted to try something that another child prefers to eat.

As they develop food preferences, most young preschoolers will eat a variety of foods. While young preschoolers tend to prefer simple food, they may try new foods or pick favorite foods from a selection presented by an adult. Eating with their families and at school teaches children to follow adult guidance about eating and provides opportunities for children to begin to understand healthy eating choices. For example, they may eat slowly because they have been asked not to eat too fast.

Older preschoolers begin to make healthy food choices, although they may need some reminders from an adult and they may prefer to eat other, non-nourishing foods. Likewise, older preschoolers may be able to communicate the role that food plays in health and to state why particular food groups are important (saying such things as “Milk makes me strong”).

References

Endres, J.B., Rockwell, R.E., & Mense, C.G. (2004). Food, nutrition, and the young child (5th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Merrill Prentice Hall.

Marotz, L. R. (2008). Health, safety, and nutrition for the young child (7th ed.) (pp. 336-473, 502-522). Clifton Park, NY: Thomson Delmar Learning.

Sayre, N.E., & Gallagher, J.D. (2001). The young child and the environment: Issues related to health, nutrition, safety, and physical activity. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon.

Watts, A., & Young, P. (2007). Health, safety, and nutrition. Clifton Park, NY: Thomson Delmar Learning.

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Last updated: 03/14/2012